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| 1. Eisenhower at War 1943-1945 by DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0394412370 Catlog: Book (1986-08-12) Publisher: Random House Sales Rank: 162894 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (3)
The author, presenting the rivalries between allied generals, the political machinations of Roosevelt, Churchill and the Combined Chiefs of Staff, and the seemingly unfathomable Stalin, shows the extreme patience, diplomacy, and fortitude required of the Supreme Commander of the Allied Expedition Forces, General Dwight D. Eisenhower, to win the war in Europe. Eisenhower: At War, 1943-1945, expertly dissects the relationships between allied parties while describing the utter destruction of Germany. It is thorough and frequently thrilling. Patton, Bradley, and Montgomery receive appropriate attention as does Normandy and the Ardennes offensive most commonly referred to as the Battle of the Bulge. I recommend the book highly and rate it an enthusiastic 4 stars.
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| 2. Crusade in Europe by Dwight D. Eisenhower | |
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our price: $13.97 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 080185668X Catlog: Book (1997-04-01) Publisher: Johns Hopkins University Press Sales Rank: 60420 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (8)
There is little doubt that being between FDR, Marshall and Churchill was quite a daunting assignment. What is most intriguing about Ike's account of the lengths The US War Department went to help Bataan is just how many pages Ike devotes to apologizing for virtually abandoning it. Is there a new study on why the US Defense Department abandoned Bataan here? Much of this book has been repeatedly cited in the numerous WWII But, if you were going to run as a candidate for President of the United States(or was being drafted by the Republicans and Democrats at the time), this is sure a nice book to base a Presidential campaign on.
Having said that, I think that the book does fall short of its objective for two main reasons. First, Ike is hesitant to criticize other leaders for bad decisions, and tactical mistakes. For instance, Ike blames the lack of success in Operation Market Garden more on the weather than the ill conceived plan that Monty used to execute this daring mission. Secondly, Ike does not display much emotion when telling the tale. For example, when Ike talks about the Battle of the Bulge, he infurs that the Allies expected the attack, and felt almost no panic when it came. If you look at books from others involved in the fighting, you get a much different perspective. Overall, I enjoyed this book and wished I could give it 5 stars. It should be a 5-star book, because of the unique position that Ike fulfilled in the ETO. Instead, I give it 4 stars, but highly recommend it to anyone interested in WWII history.
A wonderful book for veterans and non-veterans alike. ... Read more | |
| 3. Harry and Ike : The Partnership That Remade the Postwar World (Lisa Drew Books (Hardcover)) by Steve Neal | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0684853558 Catlog: Book (2001-09-12) Publisher: Scribner Sales Rank: 366036 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower worked more closely between 1945 and 1952 than any other two American presidents of the twentieth century. They were partners in changing America's role in the world and in responding to the challenge of a Soviet Europe, yet they are remembered more for the acrimony that ended their friendship. Both were men of character, intelligence, and principle, and as the nation learned in the 1950s, they could also hold a grudge. Drawing on letters, diaries, and interviews with close associates, this is the first examination of the warm friendship, bitter rupture, and eventual reconciliation between two remarkable Americans. From the author of The Eisenhowers: Reluctant Dynasty and Dark Horse comes a unique volume focusing exclusively on the relationship between Dwight D. Eisenhower and Harry S. Truman. Harry and "Ike" grew up 150 miles apart in the heart of America. They met during World War II, when Truman became commander-in-chief after FDR's death. Together they would oversee not only the great Allied victory but also the restructuring of the U.S. military and the reconstruction of Europe. Together they would forge history's most successful alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Their initial relationship was so respectful and warm that Truman offered to step aside in the 1948 presidential election if Ike would agree to run on the Democratic ticket. Preferring to remain out of politics, Eisenhower declined and instead became president of Columbia Uni-versity. Truman helped make Ike a wealthy man by granting him a special tax break for his memoirs. Eisenhower later prepared to remove himself from contention for the presidency in 1952 if Robert A. Taft supported Truman on NATO. But Ike's friendship with Truman would not survive the 1952 presidential campaign, and for nearly a decade the former allies were engaged in an epic feud. It was not until the funeral of John F. Kennedy that the two men put aside their differences and reestablished a semblance of their previous bond. In exploring the complexity of character, intelligence, and principle, Neal provides a fresh perspective on two giants of the twentieth century, and on the American presidency. Reviews (6)
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| 4. The Eisenhower Diaries by Dwight David, Pres. U.S., Eisenhower | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0393014320 Catlog: Book (1976-05-01) Publisher: W W Norton & Co Inc Sales Rank: 835348 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
| 5. Eisenhower: A Soldier's Life by Carlo D'Este, Carlo d Este | |
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our price: $23.10 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0805056866 Catlog: Book (2002-06-04) Publisher: Henry Holt & Company Sales Rank: 77817 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Amazon.com Reviews (33)
This book follows Eisenhower from his beginnings in Texas and Kansas to the end of WW2. D'Este turned out to be quite good at depicting the beginnings of a person's life in the Patton bio, and he does the same credible job here. Eisenhower's early life is wonderfully brought out, and right up to the Second World War the book is quite good. Then things sort of go sideways. Eisenhower's rise during WW2 was precipitous, to say the least. He was a lieutenant colonel on the eve of the war, wondering if he would get promoted again, and three years later he was promoted to five star general. He rocketed past most of the U.S. army, from Patton and Mark Clark to his old boss, Douglas MacArthur. All of this is reasonably well recounted, but the author does something I've never seen in a book, or at least haven't seen at this level, and I will confess I was annoyed a bit. He quotes other authors. It would seem appropriate to quote from the various memoirs (Eisenhower's, Monty's, Bradley's, etc.) or perhaps an official biography, but he goes further, and at various times quotes Geoffrey Perret, Ronald Lewin, Russell Weigley, and so forth. If I want Geoffrey Perret's opinion on Eisenhower I'll read that book. Perhaps he was reacting to the Ambrose/Goodwin plagarism scandals? The book is also shaped by a few opinions that the author holds, which are very important and which, if you read the Patton biography, you don't need me to tell you. If you didn't read it, you will need to be warned of these things before you start Eisenhower: A Soldier's Life. He doesn't like Omar Bradley really at all, thinks he was at best a mediocre general, and often a really lousy one, thinks only a bit of Eisenhower himself, and thinks Patton was brilliant, if a bit flawed by his personality. Interestingly, he thinks relatively well of Monty. Patton and Monty were good tactically and strategically, but had no clue how to fight coalition warfare alongside Allies. Bradley, by Normandy, was getting fed up with both men's antics in favor of their own careers or methods of fighting the war. Bradley was horrified by Patton's slapping incident, and disgusted by Monty's seeming assumption that the British should be allowed to lead American troops to victory. Somehow Bradley comes out of this considerably behind the other two men, and is also censured for being "intolerant of failure." As if being tolerant of it is a good thing. There is one further issue: the book isn't a complete biography in that it ends in 1945. We don't see Eisenhower become president or anything of his postwar activities. Leaves you with an incomplete feeling. So I only gave this book four stars. I do like Carlo d'Este, and I did enjoy the book, but not as much as I hoped to.
Some Eisenhower worshippers may be offended by D'Este's detailing of Ike's faults (both as D'Este defines them and Ike's troublesome British and American contemporaries). However, he always comes back to the one ultimate, essential point: who else could have led the coalition better?
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| 6. Eisenhower Versus Montgomery by G. E. Patrick Murray | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0275947955 Catlog: Book (1996-11-30) Publisher: Praeger Publishers Sales Rank: 1166206 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (1)
(The "score" rating is a feature of the page. This reviewer does not "score" books.) ... Read more | |
| 7. Dwight D. Eisenhower 1953 - 1961: (The American Presidents Series) by Tom Wicker, Arthur M. Schlesinger | |
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Amazon.com Eisenhower was never above politics, as his admirers claimed; Wicker shows that he was a political creature through and through, as Patton suspected while serving under him in World War II. ("Ike wants to be president so badly you can taste it," Patton said.) He held all the contradictory positions of a politician, too: a dedicated cold warrior and anti-Communist, he famously decried the power of the "military-industrial complex," resisted American involvement in Vietnam while setting the stage for it, and called himself a "liberal Republican" while doing little to attend to pressing domestic issues, especially in the realm of civil rights. He refused to stand up to Joe McCarthy and chose Richard Nixon as his running mate for reasons of political expediency. Wicker gives Eisenhower middling marks: "The worst did not happen in his time, but neither did the best." His survey may not cheer Ike's fans, but it's balanced, highly readable, and useful for those seeking a window on American political life half a century ago. --Gregory McNamee Reviews (9)
I will confess that I am an admirer of General Eisenhower, but not of President Eisenhower. He certainly did count many achievements to his credit during his two terms of office, but his administrations were marred by some utterly dreadful events, and not a few failures to take strong moral stands by Eisenhower himself. His administration also established several unfortunate precedents, such as overthrowing foreign governments. Wicker focuses more on the failures than the achievements, but the most he can be accused of here is a slight--and I think it is very slight indeed--lack of balance. In the more recent presidents, we tend sometimes to see what we want to see, and many simply do not want to see the failures of his years in office. The general assessment of Eisenhower as president is that he had some real achievements in foreign policy but fared far worse in domestic policy. On the former, he is credited with keeping the United States out of war (and getting us out of Korea) during the increasing tension of the Cold War. He also, in what I believe was his greatest moment as president on the foreign front, intervened strongly when France and Britain attempted to seize control of the Suez Canal in conjunction with an Israeli invasion of the Sinai. As Wicker correctly points out, however, this has to be balanced with the tragedy of the Gary Powers incident, which sabotaged a probable arms treaty with the Soviet Union. Worse, Eisenhower supported some morally reprehensible covert operations in Iraq (where we deposed a popular leader and replaced him with the Shah), Guatemala (where we deposed a democratically elected government), and in Cuba (where Eisenhower's folks undertook the planning for what later became the Bay of Pigs--Kennedy's greatest failure being not to reject the plan entirely). Eisenhower also is responsible for our initial involvement in Vietnam, which would deepen tragically in the Kennedy and Johnson years. Wicker does a fine job of covering the domestic issues, although I think he draws back from a rather obvious conclusion (though many other writers do not): Eisenhower, although himself a moral, good individual, was at best morally timid and at worst a moral coward. In the terms used my countless ministers in my own Southern Baptist church, Eisenhower engaged in sins of omission. He lamented the Brown v. Board of Education, and failed to support it or implement it, although he did intervene in my hometown of Little Rock, Arkansas when our governor Orville Faubus refused to allow the integration of Central High School. But overall, Eisenhower had a dreadful record on Civil Rights, and we know from numerous personal comments--many of which Wicker records--that he was personally not very sensitive on racial matters (and that is putting it somewhat mildly). Also, despite personally deploring Senator Joe McCarthy and his tactics, Eisenhower did not intervene for several years of his presidency and did not condemn McCarthy publicly. Especially tragic was his failure to defend his patron George Marshall, one of America's great public servants (both in running WW II from Washington and later in his tremendous service in the State Department) from explicit charges of treason by McCarthy. On the other hand, Eisenhower did oversee the creation of NASA (though he wouldn't promote it the way that Kennedy did upon becoming president, for whom going to the moon was a mania). Wicker does point out briefly his great achievement in overseeing the building of the Interstate Highway system, and spends rather more time on his largely ineffectual attempt to convince the American populace that no missile or nuclear gap existed between the US and the USSR. Ironically, during the Eisenhower years, it was the Democrats who were pushing for more military spending, with Ike convinced that the US had more than enough to deter and defeat the Soviet Union in any forthcoming war. Significant mention is made of Eisenhower's farewell address, the first significant farewell since Washington's. In that he warned of the expanding influence of the Military-Industrial complex, a warning that we have not yet heeded. Wicker also does a good job of discussing the bizarre lack of support that Eisenhower gave Nixon, a lack that undermined Nixon's campaign in an excruciatingly tight election that might have cost him the presidency. It remains one of Eisenhower's most perplexing failures. Although I myself would have preferred Kennedy to Nixon, there is good reason to believe that Eisenhower negatively affected the outcome of the election, from a Republican point of view. This is a good, brief book on the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower. Wicker, although admiring of Ike as a man, is unsympathetic to him as a president. But I would argue that he is fair. If one wants a full-length biography of Eisenhower, one could turn to Stephen Ambrose's two-volume biography, or Carlo D'Este's superb biography of Eisenhower's military career.
Older readers can remember the media Ike: the winning smile, the bumbling answers at press conferences, the incessant golf. The electorate loved him, but contemporary observers were not impressed. They looked on him as a career soldier who despised politics, leaving handling of foreign policy to the slightly frightening John Foster Dulles and domestic policy to no one at all. Wicker admits that this was once his view but no longer. However, he adds that Eisenhower's growing reputation owes nothing to domestic affairs. Perhaps his major success in this area was the Interstate Highway Bill of 1955, which is still financing our interstate roads. Trivia buffs note: this was the last major Republican program that required new taxes. Wicker joins two generations of historians in condemning Eisenhower's refusal to speak out against McCarthy or in favor of civil rights. All agree this was politically astute but morally deplorable. The 1954 Supreme Court decision on segregation came as an unpleasant shock to Eisenhower, but he was in good company. Most northern officials were lukewarm (an admirable exception was attorney general, Herbert Brownell). Holding racial views similar to Lincoln's, Eisenhower disapproved of mistreating Negroes but believed their capacities did not measure up to those of the white race. Wicker's discussion spends more time on Chief Justice Warren than the president, but it's an eye-opener. Legend gives Warren credit for the decision, but this is wrong. He didn't join the court until the case was nearing its end. On his arrival, it was already 5-4 in favor of desegregation. His accomplishment was convincing opponents to switch their votes. Such a controversial decision required unanimity, Warren pointed out. A split Court would encourage southern resistance, bringing disorder to the country and casting doubt on the Court's legitimacy. Good patriots all, they switched, including the hidebound southern racist, Stanley Reed. Does anyone believe this could happen today? Among America's long line of political scoundrels, Joseph McCarthy stands out for sheer vulgarity. Many supporters in the Senate including Richard Nixon thought he was slightly creepy. That his wild accusations of rampant communist subversion ruined many careers without turning up any new spies was public knowledge. The New York Times and Washington Post pointed this out. Conservative Time Magazine heaped ridicule on him. But no elected official dared cross McCarthy. Contemptuous in private, Eisenhower took care never to make his feelings public although newspapers regularly found hints between the lines. The Senate censure in 1954 happened only because of McCarthy's increasingly insulting behavior and a modest decline of anticommunist hysteria. It was a slap on the wrist, and McCarthy remained in charge of his committee, so no one can explain why he suddenly fell silent. Wicker has no explanation, and he concludes with the usual regret that Eisenhower failed to take a courageous moral position. Historians always attack politicians for refusing to take courageous moral positions, forgetting that doing so is invariably disastrous. Perhaps the greatest example is Lincoln's emancipation proclamation in September 1862. Although a feeble antislavery gesture, it was unpopular in the north. Democrats happily pointed out that Lincoln had converted a war for the union into a war for the Negro, and they crushed Republicans in the election two months later. Foreign policy is almost entirely responsible for Eisenhower's improving reputation. Even those of us who remember the 1950s forget how close World War III seemed. Many national leaders and several of the Joint Chiefs wanted to get on with it as soon as possible. America's foreign policy seemed in the hands of elderly secretary of state John Foster Dulles, a pugnacious, evangelical who had been lecturing foreigners on American virtues since the Wilson administration. He made almost everyone nervous with enthusiastic talk of liberating eastern Europe, regaining China, and using atomic weapons if provoked excessively. It turns out Dulles was firmly under Eisenhower's thumb, and this rhetoric mellowed as years passed. The president himself was far more peaceable than anyone thought at the time. He gets enough credit for ending the Korean war but too little for refusing to strike back at China's threats to Formosa (his military advisors were raring to go). When he aborted the English-French-Israeli invasion of Egypt in 1956, he was not reading opinion polls. Americans generally approved the invasion. Most impressive of all, he kept the military firmly under his thumb. Despite the usual 1952 campaign rhetoric about defeating communism, Eisenhower held the defense budget level when he wasn't reducing it. His finest hour (although no one thought so at the time) came after Russia launched Sputnik in 1957. His announcement that orbiting a satellite was not a big deal produced universal dismay. Editorials denounced his short-sightedness; cartoons pictured him with his head in the sand. His poll ratings dropped to their lowest. Despite additional Russian space spectaculars, he did not change his mind, quashing all efforts to launch crash military programs. John F. Kennedy spent much of the 1960 campaign denouncing the administration for underestimating the communist threat, cruelly starving the armed forces, allowing the Russians to achieve military superiority. JFK was a far more aggressive cold warrior than his predecessor. Like all volumes in the excellent American Presidents series, Wicker's is a quick read: 140 pages. Unlike the others, it's not really a biography. Eisenhower's greatest accomplishment was his meteoric rise to command in WWII after twenty years of obscurity. Winning the presidency was easy by comparison; after all he was the most popular man in the country. Wicker admits this, but he skips over the early life. As an account of his presidency, it breaks no ground but the author's anecdotes and outspoken opinions make it a lively addition to the definitive biographies.
As for the negative tone, I am not offended, nor am I disappointed. There have been plenty of fawning biographies written about Ike (check out any Ambrose volume), so it is only fair that we get a different take. Ike's presidency, like so many, had its shining moments, but also its shame. Wicker correctly identifies Ike's weaknesses, including a tendency to overdelegate and of course, a reluctant, weak-willed enforcement of civil rights laws. It is also important to note that Ike failed to take on that era's most poisonous demagogue, Joseph McCarthy. Writing a hagiography would be easy given our country's worship of military figures, but this is a political biography. The years from 1953 to 1961 were not perfect, and Wicker understands that the leadership must be held accountable for some of that decade's less admirable turns. ... Read more | |
| 8. EISENHR PRESIDENT by Stephen Ambrose | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0671499017 Catlog: Book (1984-09-28) Publisher: Simon & Schuster Sales Rank: 325296 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (2)
It is clear that Ambrose likes Eisenhower, but he nonetheless is critical of Eisenhower when it is appropriate. If one of the lessons of the first book is how politics can have a negative effect on a principled man, the main lesson in this one is how moderation is both a virtue and a vice. For Eisenhower, it is a virtue when he besieged by extremists within his own party who are all too willing to use nuclear weapons and it is he who stays a middle course. As moderation's negative image, hesitancy, however, it is a vice as he fails to take on McCarthy or segregation. As one of the most continuously popular presidents in history, Ike could have done more in these areas. Overall, however, Eisenhower comes off as a President whose accomplishments are generally underrated. Ike himself generally comes off as a good person, honest and intelligent, with a vision of a better America that many would agree with, one without the threat of nuclear war. There are a couple little errors in the book and its predecessor, but that doesn't take away from this volume's high caliber. This is a great biography, well written, detailed and always interesting.
The Cold War was at its height in the 1950s, and Ambrose devotes a great detail of space to diplomatic and military affairs. According to Ambrose, Eisenhower intended to "continue the policies of containment, foreign aid, and Europe first," but opposition to Eisenhower's program came most frequently from within his own party, beginning with battles over Eisenhower's appointees to key State Department positions at the beginning of his first term. Some of the most interesting passages in this book involve Ambrose's presentation of the frequent conflicts between the moderate Eisenhower Republicans and the "Old Guard," which was practically hysterical in its opposition to the threat posed by international Communism, real and supposed. Ambrose's discussion of Eisenhower's consistent opposition to increased military spending is fascinating. This is one area in which Eisenhower displayed real leadership, even when the president's position was not popular. By1960, one important issue was whether Richard Nixon and John Kennedy would spend more on national defense. (Ambrose makes clear Eisenhower's disappointment with the choice the American people were offered in that election: Eisenhower, one of the giants of World War II, would have to turn over executive power at the height of the Cold War to a former junior officer, either Nixon or Kennedy.) In his Farewell Address, Eisenhower warned of the dangers posed by the creation of a military-industrial complex. Only a president with Eisenhower's impeccable military credentials could credibly have said that. Ambrose leaves no doubt about Eisenhower's determination to decrease international tensions, especially in Europe, and most especially the threat of nuclear war. For the most part, Eisenhower's management of the frequent international crises during his administration was deft. One Republican with whom Eisenhower publicly refused to dispute was Sen. Joseph McCarthy. According to Ambrose, one of Eisenhower's reasons for avoiding conflict with the notorious witch-hunter was personal: "I just won't get into a pissing contest with that skunk." But Ambrose also writes: "Eisenhower was more on McCarthy's side than not on the issue of Communism in government. It was McCarthy's methods he disapproved of, not his goals or his analysis." Ambrose concludes: "Eisenhower's cautious, hesitant approach - or nonapproach - to the McCarthy issue did the President's reputation no good, and much harm." Eisenhower also was often criticized for presiding over a British-style cabinet government in which he purportedly delegated too much responsibility to his department heads. Ambrose makes clear that Eisenhower was keenly interested in the big issues facing the State, Defense, and Treasury departments, but the record presented here indicates that Eisenhower had much less interest in domestic affairs. The creation of the interstate highway system probably was the principal domestic achievement of the Eisenhower administration. Civil rights was an issue which begged for presidential leadership. Eisenhower rightly deserves credit for appointing Earl Warren Chief Justice of the United States, and Warren, of course, presided over the unanimous 1954 decision declaring separate-but-equal public education systems to be unconstitutional. But Ambrose makes clear that, except on the issue of voting rights, Eisenhower refused to be pushed into the forefront in civil rights. Eisenhower was a product of the late-19th century (he was born in 1890), and this is one area in which he failed to grow as president. On occasion, according to Ambrose, Eisenhower could be "bumbling" and "ineffective." With regard to civil rights, Eisenhower simply failed to lead. According to Ambrose: "In the field of civil rights, [Eisenhower] felt he had done as well as could be done." The judgment of history disagrees. Ambrose makes very effective use of primary sources, including Eisenhower's diaries. The text includes numerous references to Eisenhower's assessments of colleagues and subordinates, political rivals, other public figures international leaders, and some of them are cutting. Although Nixon loyally served as Eisenhower's vice president for eight years, they never were close, and Eisenhower was not enthusiastic about Nixon's candidacy in 1960. During that campaign, when Nixon was trying to make the most of his experience as vice president, Eisenhower told a reporter it would take him a week to think of a major contribution Nixon had made to the administration. But if Nixon had followed Eisenhower's advice and had refused to debate Kennedy, he might well have been elected in 1960. Ambrose may admire his subject too much. To cite just one example, although Ambrose writes that "friends as well as critics worried about how unprepared [Eisenhower] was for the presidency," the author, himself, asserts that, in foreign affairs, Eisenhower "was undoubtedly the best prepared man ever elected to the Presidency." But I believe Ambrose is correct when he observes at the beginning of his chapter assessing the Eisenhower presidency: "To say that Eisenhower was right about this or wrong about that is to do little more than announce one's own political position." That is Ambrose's justification for examining Eisenhower's years in the White House "in his own terms." When this book was published in 1984, Ambrose predicted: Eisenhower's "reputation is likely to continue to rise, perhaps to the point that he will be ranked just below Washington, Jefferson, Jackson, Lincoln, Wilson, and Franklin Roosevelt." I am skeptical that history ever will be that kind to Eisenhower. Ambrose writes that, by November 1952, Eisenhower had come to actively dislike Harry Truman" because "in Eisenhower's view Truman had diminished the prestige of the office of the President of the United States." Even Eisenhower's critics, and there remain plenty of them, must concede, based upon the record presented by authors such as Ambrose, that he conducted the duties of the presidency with great dignity. And that places him far above some of his successors. The two-volume Ambrose biography of Eisenhower is now out of print, having been superceded by this author's Eisenhower: Soldier and President and more recent works of scholarship. But Eisenhower, Volume Two, The President, continues to have value as a highly-detailed account of the administration of a president who may, indeed, have been under-appreciated. Ambrose is partial to his subject, but he generally allows Eisenhower's actions to speak for themselves, and I do not believe that a reader may ask much more from a biographer. ... Read more | |
| 9. The Supreme Commander: The War Years of General Dwight D. Eisenhower by Stephen E. Ambrose | |
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Reviews (3)
The only "criticism" I have is that Ambrose is blatantly biased in Ike's favor and makes no bones about it. The first words in his introduction are, 'Dwight Eisenhower was a great and a good man," which is undoubtedly true, but a biographer should take more pains to disguise their own feelings. There is very little criticism of Ike in Ambrose's work, which borders on the hagiography. Perhaps a bit more of Harry Truman's invective towards Eisenhower could have infused these pages. Still, Ambrose is a wonderful writer and his works are always fun to read and informative. This is an excellent look at Eisenhower in World War II, even if it is a completely uncritical examination.
Many of Ike's compatriots questions his skills as a soldier but all are certainly of his positive human skills at bonding a diverse group to attain the goal of defeating the enemy, in this Ambrose describes well. And from this experience at war time an outstanding president is groomed. I think Ambroses' "Eisenhower: A soldier and President" will have to be my next purchase. One point I'm a bit disappointed is the fact that Ambrose does not spend much time dealing with Ike's rols in the debacle of Hurtgen Forest, the problems with Repple Depple, and the problems with the problems caused by Segragation in the Army, several of the areas that Ambrose had detailed discussions on in "Citizen Soldiers". But all in all, an excellent read.
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| 10. Dwight D. Eisenhower: Our Thirty-Fourth President (Our Presidents, 34) by Sarah Bowler | |
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our price: $28.50 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1567668682 Catlog: Book (2001-09-01) Publisher: Child's World Sales Rank: 1723906 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (1)
Illustrated with historic black & white photographs from Eisenhower's life and career, there is also a color reproduction of one of his paintings of three members of his Cabinet. There are also detailed side-bars on his Family Life, the Axis Powers in World War II, the 1950s as A Decade of Prosperity, and the Civil Rights Movement, and the margins of the book include Interesting Facts, such as Eisenhower being the first President to be seen on color television and how he got the idea for the international highway system that bears his name when assigned to determine how long it would take military convoys to get across the country. If you want more information on Eisenhower's career then you can check out Jim Hargrove's book for the Encyclopedia of Presidents series, but for a first-rate introductory biography, this is the book. ... Read more | |
| 11. General Ike : A Personal Reminiscence by John Eisenhower | |
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Book Description General Ike is a book that John Eisenhower always knew he had to write, a tribute from an affectionate and admiring son to a great father. John chose to write about the "military Ike," as opposed to the "political Ike," because Ike cared far more about his career in uniform than about his time in the White House. A series of portraits of Ike's relations with soldiers and statesmen, from MacArthur to Patton to Montgomery to Churchill to de Gaulle, reveals the many facets of a talented, driven, headstrong, yet diplomatic leader.Taken together, they reveal a man who was brilliant, if flawed; naive at times in dealing with the public, yet who never lost his head when others around him were losing theirs.Above all, General Ike was a man who never let up in the relentless pursuit of the destruction of Hitler. Here for the first time are eyewitness stories of General Patton showing off during military exercises; of Ike on the verge of departing for Europe and assuming command of the Eastern Theater; of Churchill stewing and lobbying Ike in his "off hours." Faced with giant personalities such as these men and MacArthur, not to mention difficult allies such as de Gaulle and Montgomery, Ike nevertheless managed to pull together history's greatest invasion force and to face down a determined enemy from Normandy to the Bulge and beyond. John Eisenhower masterfully uses the backdrop of Ike's key battles to paint a portrait of his father and his relationships with the great men of his time. General Ike is a ringing and inspiring testament to a great man by an accomplished historian. It is also a personal portrait of a caring, if not always available, father by his admiring son. It is history at its best. Reviews (7)
Unfortunately, the author's relationship to his subject typically caused him to not touch some more sensitive areas of Eisenhower's life (e.g., his relationship with his female driver while in England, or his civil rights record while as president) and the writer gave us next to nothing about his relationship with Mamie (at least not on this CD version). For other issues, the author tries to gloss over the record especially as it pertains to not forcefully defending Gen. Marshall from ludicrous attacks by Joe McCarthy. The author's excuse that Ike needed to first consider the political ramifications is certainly unbecoming of the great man who led Allied forces to European victory. Overall, though, I highly recommend this book. The author breaks it into chapters devoted to Ike's life with other illustrious figures of history such as Douglas McArthur, Marshall, Patton and especially his section on British Field Marshall Montgomery. All of these add up to mini-biographies and are well worth the read.
"By no stretch of the imagination is this book a comprehensive biography of Ike, nor is it even a history of the battles he fought. Instead, my essays deal almost exclusively with Ike's relations with his associates, for the simple reason that the facets of his personality appear differently depending on the individual he was dealing with at a given time." John Eisenhower goes on to explain that he offers "a son's view of a great military leader -- highly intelligent, forceful, kind, yet as human as the rest of us." What I especially appreciate in this personal account is the fact that the son subordinates himself while recalling the situations while accompanying his father; also, that his views of Ike throughout the book seem balanced as he comments on his father's less attractive qualities (e.g. a sometimes volcanic temper) as well as his most admirable strengths (e.g. forging consensus and cooperation among egocentrics such as Montgomery and De Gaulle). Almost everyone liked Ike. Over time, he also earned the respect which Marshall clearly had for Ike when promoting him over dozens of senior officers to serve as commander of Overlord Operation, arguably the most extensive and complicated military invasion ever undertaken, before or since. Later, Marshall told Ike: "You have commanded with outstanding success the most powerful military force that has ever been assembled. You have made history, great history for the good of all mankind and you have stood for all we hope for and admire in an officer of the United States Army." Such praise was well-deserved and widely shared. In this exceptionally thoughtful and eloquent account, John Eisenhower also reveals this great military leader to be "as human as the rest of us."
The reader will meet people who we never knew existed such as General Fox Conner, a competent and decent army officer who early on recognized Ike's leadership potential and did his best to promote his career. We will learn about Ike's complicated relationships with famous persons such as Douglas MacArthur, John "Black Jack" Pershing, and the French General Charles DeGaulle. Ike apparently held DeGaulle in great personal regard and put him on a list of the five most important men he knew. Ike's wartime relationship with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill deserves special mention. Early on Churchill understood how critical Anglo-American cooperation was to a successful outcome in World War II. As such, he bent over backwards to see that Eisenhower and the Americans were given first-class treatment by the English. Eisenhower had much regular contact with Churchill and it struck me that he was closer to him than President Roosevelt and other American political figures. One of the most interesting sections of the book recounts Ike's dilemma in dealing with British Army General Sir Bernard Montgomery. Montgomery believed that he alone had the strategy which could have forced an earlier end to World War II. He constantly feuded with Eisenhower over strategy and supplies. At one time, Eisenhower came close to asking the British to place someone else in command, but than things were smoothed out. The problems did not end even after the war was over. Years later, Montgomery wrote his own memoirs criticizing Eisenhower's conduct of the European campaign after D-day. A normally patient man, Ike was infuriated with Montgomery. This is a good book for students of World War II history and those who believe that history is determined more by individuals than by events.
This isn't a full-scale biography of Ike (consult Ambrose for that), but rather contains different chapters on famous military personalities in Ike's orbit. These include the pompous MacArthur, who said of Eisenhower in the Philippines, "He was the best clerk I ever had," Patton, Bradley, Churchill and Monty. General Montgomery was, of course, an insufferable prig and egomaniac, and John details the delicate path Ike had to traverse in keeping the Brit in check. He also reveals many of Ike's thoughts and movements prior to June 6, 1944, D-Day for the Allies. I highly recommend this book to all who admire Eisenhower, to any WWII buff or anyone who admires taut, well-written historical prose. A great read. ... Read more | |
| 12. Eisenhower by GEOFFREY PERRET | |
![]() | list price: $35.00
(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0375500464 Catlog: Book (1999-10-26) Publisher: Random House Sales Rank: 472779 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Amazon.com Reviews (18)
The reader is treated to an introduction to the Eisenhower family, to the father who could never be close to his sons, the mother who had little influence over them and the brothers with whom Ike grew up and continued his mutually supportive relationship through their highly successful careers. The relationship with Mamie, their lost son, and son John, all reflect Ike's personal strengths and limitations. Perret does equally well in telling the stories of the junior officer and the commander as well as those of the President and senior statesman. Eisenhower's evaluations of many of the characters who crossed his path add to the allure of this book. Ike's admiration, followed by his contempt for MacArthur, his dislike of FDR, his lack of respect for Truman and his lack of affection for Nixon, all add to the insight into Ike's times. Omar Bradley, George Marshall, John Foster Dulles, Henry Cabot Lodge and Joseph McCarthy are just a sampling of the world characters who played on Eisenhower's stage. Perret thoroughly reports each phase of Ike's life in a way as to maintain interest throughout. He comments on Eisenhower's rights and wrongs in a way which provokes thoughts, without seeming to be opinionated. I believe that this is what makes this biography superior so many others..
The war years and just after are covered well. Perret gives sketches of the other major figures Ike dealt with. MacArthur is portayed as an egomaniac and comes off rather badly; Patton and Marshall are seen more positively. Perret is rough on Ike's alleged lover, Kay Summers, who he concludes lied, but he's roughest of all on Bernard Montgomery, who is presented as insubordinate, afraid to commit troops to battle, and incompetent to use them properly when he does. I don't recall anything positive that Perret has to say about Monty. The post-war years are interesting, but I was not really satisfied with the coverage of the Presidential years. The story hits the main points - Little Rock, the Sherman Adams scandal, the Checkers speech, Sputnik, the U2 incident, but doesn't give enough of an insider perspective to give any new insight on most of them. One thing that is covered fairly thoroughly, and the only real surprise I got from this section, is finding out how weak Ike was in standing up to McCarthyism, even when McCarthy and his supporters went after Ike's old friend George Marshall. In summary, this is hardly a great biography, but it is easy to read despite the considearable size, and has enough value that you'll get a good return for the time spent reading it.
The book shines when discussing Ike's decision to run for president. I believe Perret when he said it was primarily to stop Taft and MacArthur...for that Americans should be thankful. Ike did a good job on missle defense, again, Americans should be thankful. But Ike trusted people he should not have, especially John Foster Dulles and his brother who led American down a path of interventionism that cost thousands of lives and unnecessarily made America enemy #1 in too many parts of the globe. And Ike lied about it later. I guess no one is a saint. For this very human account, I recommend it. ... Read more | |
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