| UK | Germany |
| Home - Books - Biographies & Memoirs - Audiobooks - Leaders | Help | |
| 21-40 of 200 Back 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Next 20 |
click price to see details click image to enlarge click link to go to the store
| 21. Worth the Fighting For : A Memoir by MARK SALTER | |
![]() | list price: $25.00
our price: $25.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0553756672 Catlog: Book (2002-09-24) Publisher: Random House Audio Sales Rank: 830375 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description
Reviews (13)
McCain is honest, sometimes brutally so, about his own failings and errors; his description of the Keating Five affair is thorough and unsparing, as are his admissions of occasional prevarication and displays of temper. He is no less straightforward about his political experiences. While a dedicated conservative and a believer, his contempt for the near-fascist "Christian" wing of the Republican party is evident, as is his disgust with the treatment former Senator John Tower received when nominated by President George H.W. Bush for the post of Secretary of Defense, a nomination shot down more by far right wingers than by the Democrats. One thing I did miss was his honest appraisal of the current President, but from patriotic motivations McCain may be saving that for later. McCain seems to be suggesting at the end of the book that his public life is nearly over, that his Presidential ambitions are finished. All I can say is that I sincerely hope not. I am a Democrat who would support a McCain run for the Presidency unreservedly. I do not always agree with his views, but I admire his dedication to campaign finance reform, his strength, his candor, his willingness to work with the other side and see them as the loyal opposition rather than as traitors, his courage, and his service to our country. And if McCain never runs for the Presidency, what better final service could he render his country than to lead an effort to return the GOP back to its true core values and rescue it from the clutches of the far right.
This memoir is honest, entertaining, and enlightening. By including the biographies of individuals McCain admired, we gain even better insight into the way John McCain's mind works. We begin to understand his motivations, his aspirations, and above all, his values. I am almost startled by how TRUTHFUL he is in approaching the challenges and obstacles in his life (running the gamut from his first bid for congress, the Keating Five Scandal, the run for President, and his Campaign Finance Reform movement.)What a life he's led! I could not have come up with a better title for his work ("Worth the Fighting For"). Senator McCain very clearly demonstrates what he believes are the most important values integral to being a public servant and an American. I read this memoir with a pencil, because I found myself underlining so many moving and inspirational passages in his work. Although I don't share the same political views as McCain, I can't help but feel an awesome sense of admiration for this man and his accomplishments. His memoir moves past political debates and dialogue...to examining and understanding our deeper core beliefs. My absolute favorite chapters were the ones describing his bid for the Presidency and his efforts in Campaign Finance reform. However, all his biographical sketches were informative and fascinating. Another perk of reading his work, is getting a more personal opinion of the many "famous" elected officials running our nation--it's interesting to think why he either likes/dislikes these individuals. An excellent work. Definitely pick this one up!
secretary . . . similarly, he revisits the "Keating Five" affair that Yet that said, I think the following quote from the book provides insight into It got me thinking that I'd give serious consideration to voting for
As the vast multitude of Senators surreptitiously sneak in pork barrel earmarks that waste taxpayers billions of dollars per year, McCain espouses a line item veto - where the President can eliminate such wasteful expenditures while still signing the bill into law. McCain is loath to the inherent corruption and undue influence that soft money has effected upon the election process under the auspices of ostensibly independent ads on the eve of elections. Corruption, pork barrel politics, dishonesty, apathy, and anti-Americanism are all anathema to the most distinguished and honorable Senator in our great country - John McCain. I highly recommend this memoir. Just as McCain does so commendably with his politics, he has put his heart into it as only he can.
While some parts of the book become mired in the uninteresting details of political scandal, as a whole "Worth the Fighting For" is well worth reading, no matter your political persuasion. ... Read more | |
| 22. No Ordinary Time : Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, The Home Front in World War II by Doris Kearns Goodwin | |
![]() | list price: $25.00
our price: $15.75 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0671534513 Catlog: Book (1995-09-01) Publisher: Simon & Schuster Audio Sales Rank: 178084 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Using diaries, interviews, and White House records of the president's and first lady's comings and goings, Goodwin paints a detailed, intimate portrait not only of the daily conduct of the presidency during wartime but of the Roosevelts themselves and their extraordinary constellation of friends, advisers, and family, many of whom lived with them in the White House. Bringing to bear the tools of both history and biography, No Ordinary Time relates the unique story of how Franklin Roosevelt led the nation to victory against seemingly insurmountable odds and, with Eleanor's essential help, forever changed the fabric of American society. Reviews (80)
Because of Goodwin's approach, the book is equally valuable for what is says about the Roosevelts as what it says about American society during WWII. The Roosevelt marraige is displayed in all its beauty and ugliness. Goodwin aptly demonstrates the irony of the live of the Roosevelts: while they strove ceaselessly to improve the lives of every Amercian, they often manipulated and harmed the very people closest to them, especially each other. At the same time, through splendid research and organization, Goodwin follows America's attitudes on such varied subjects as race, gender equality, labor relations, politics, and the war production effort. No item of domestic concern seems overlooked. In her portrayal of domestic developments, Goodwin chronicles the true beginning of modern American society. And once again, as with her descriptions of the Roosevelts, Goodwin does not hesitate to present American society in all its glory and shame. The wonders of American ingenuity and dedication are countered with the ugliness of the Japanese-American internments and racial biases. Goodwin's account is simply a unique piece of history. While most authors would be unable to portray either the Roosevelts or American society in such brilliant detail, Goodwin pulls both off together in a seemless and impressive account. It is no wonder that this book won the Pulitzer Prize.
Here she has chosen to thread her way through both the public and private lives and times of the Roosevelts in the throes of their four successive administrations between 1932 and 1945, in the throes of what was undoubtedly the most momentous and critical period in modern American history. Her powerful prose style lends itself magnificently to the task at hand in terms of describing the principals and the social surround masterfully, and the reader is swept into the waves and eddies of the period, sitting in the catbird's seat as Goodwin describes both the intricacies of FDR's administration and their uneasy, unconventional, and unusual marriage. This is an extremely well researched, insightful and thoughtful study of two enormously complex people at the peaks of the intellectual, social, and political powers, in the midst of a socio-political maelstrom of historical proportions. As described by Goodwin, both Eleanor and FDR become figures of almost Biblical proportions; modern titans committed both to the nation as well as to each other. Yet these two were in many ways living separate lies, and one marvels and the degree of maturity, selflessness, and composure each had to face the issues of both their public and private obligations in the manner they apparently did. Her emerging portrait of FDR is that of a brilliant, charismatic, endlessly witty and wise patrician who steeled himself to the notion of "noblesse oblige", while Eleanor is painted in what is in many ways a much more sympathetic light, as a long-suffering, patient, loving and ultimately independent woman no longer content to stand quietly in the shadows. This is a very comprehensive, compassionate, and compelling historical biography of the Roosevelts in the context of their times, and is an admirable addition to the growing body of scholarly yet popular works so many recently active American historians like Goodwin, Ambrose, David Kennedy, James Patterson, and Taylor Branch have contributed to our understanding of the United States in the 20th century. I really enjoyed reading this magnificent book by Ms. Goodwin, and recommend it for your history bookshelf. Enjoy!
There is a degree of nearly strident feminism in the writing, not quite what one would call shrill, but the author's sympathies seem to lean decidedly toward Mrs. Roosevelt, often based on issues of sexual inequality. To be fair, Ms. Kearns Goodwin is about as harsh in her handling of racial prejudice What emerges is nonetheless what most sources reveal: he was the instinctive politician who happened to be in the right place at the right time to make magic happen while she was a tireless social activist more in tune with the masses than with any one person. He could bend his principles when needed (either for the greater good of the whole or on occasion for his own selfish indulgences) whereas she was quite rigid and nearly incapable of intimacy. One can (or should) hardly judge them. It is enough to appreciate their complexity and their contrasts and to see how they played off one another so well. The real beauty of this book is that it allows us to do just that quite completely.
| |
| 23. Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms by ED ROLLINS | |
![]() | list price: $27.50
(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0553477366 Catlog: Book (1996-08-01) Publisher: Random House Audio Sales Rank: 1183365 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Once a champion amateur boxer, Rollins brings the pugnacious spirit of a born fighter to everything he does. Never shy about his opinions, he now delivers the kind of take-no-prisoners honesty for which he is notorious. He dissects the personalities of Richard Nixon, Ronald and Nancy Reagan, George Bush, Ross Perot, James Baker, Michael and Arianna Huffington, and Newt Gingrich. He shows how political campaigns really operate, and he offers keen insight on this year's contenders, from Bill Clinton to Bob Dole and Pat Buchanan. Part autobiography and part political primer, this is a deeply compelling story and a highly personal look into the inner workings of government and campaigns. Ed Rollins's passion for the game and thoughtful insight into our political system make this a must-read for anyone interested in how the game of contemporary politics is really played. Who else but Ed Rollins--the brilliant, bare-knuckled political consultant--would dare give us the inside story on how Washington really works?Famously outspoken, Rollins is a true maverick whose gift for winning campaigns is matched only by his talent for generating controversy.Now, in this astonishingly candid book, he delivers a no-holds-barred, hugely entertaining account of his thirty-year career in American politics. Rollins has worked for almost every major Republican politician of the past two decades, but he was never a member of the Washington aristocracy.Raised in the tough shipyard town of Vallejo, California, he fought as a championship amateur boxer and won over 160 bouts.His love of politics was kindled when he worked for Bobby Kennedy's presidential campaign in 1968, but after Kennedy's assassination and a life-changing experience during a violent anti-war demonstration, he joined the Republican party.By 1981, he had worked his way up to a job in the Reagan White House;the following year, he became the president's top political advisor.He has battled at the center of the political arena ever since, and he and his candidates have won far more often than they have lost. If Rollins loves anything more than a good fight, it's a good story.Here is Richard Nixon complaining to him about the lack of a "nutcutter" in the Reagan administration; Nancy Reagan berating him for his atrocious attire; Barbara Bush telling him he's not welcome in the White House; Ross Perot wailing about how expensive campaign advertising is; Arianna Huffington hiring a private detective to investigate an unfriendly journalist.But Rollins has made some spectacular blunders of his own, and now he tells stories on himself too--most particularly when he provides the first full account of his role in the scandal that followed Christine Todd Whitman's election as governor of New Jersey. Ed Rollins is an American original--a power-punching, street-smart insider who loves politics and his country with equal fervor.Fast and funny, pugnacious and passionate, this is one of the best books ever written about how the modern political game is really played. Reviews (12)
I've always liked Ed Rollins and his honesty gets him in enough hot water to boil a frog. He tells how it's really done and how he learned the game from California Speaker Jesse Unruh. He tells of his split from the Democrats to Reagan and from the Bush GOP to Perot. The Perot chapter, appropriately titled the "Campaign From Hell," is the ultimate hilarity. He has kind words for nearly everybody - even his enemies - but he also says some hilarious tidbits so that it's never dull. Among the things Rollins addresses: A GOP sex scandal in the opening days of the Reagan era What REALLY happened in the 1993 New Jersey governor's race How an off the wall comment can get you in hot water How Ross Perot decided a thirty-day campaign was better than actually running for office All this and much more. And he correctly calls the 1992 Bush campaign the "worst performance by an incumbent in modern political history." This kind of honesty shows that whatever flavor your party - Democratic, Republican, Independent, or even if you hate politics - Rollins has something for you. A must read.
I found the time he spent on the Reagan and Perot campaigns the most interesting. The Reagan campaign because he really lays out the best way to run a campaign. This section of the book could almost be used as a how to tutorial on how to win a race. I found the Perot campaign info interesting for the exact opposite of the Reagan section. This guy was a flake and the author captures every odd, weird and down right stupid thing that happened. The author also talks about his relationship with the first President Bush and lets just say it is very eye opening. Everything he says about the father can be seen in the son today. His main point is that the Bush family feels loyalty is the most important trait a person can have and if you cross that line you will be paying for it for years. I enjoyed the fact that the author did not spend exorbitant amounts of time on his pre political history or his family situation, just enough to set the stage. I may be unique in this regard so if you are looking for an in depth view into his family this is not the book for you. Overall I really liked the book. It read fast and it is so interesting I just did not want to put it down. I read a lot of political books and this ranks up there as at least one of the more entertaining. If you are interested in the campaign process or the Reagan and Bush years then I would recommend this book regardless of your party affiliation.
Too bad this book's 96 release was too soon to receive much boost from the internet. Would have liked to read of author Rollin's take on the Monica/Clinton sex scandal. Rollins is observant enough to mention qualities of public figures that are seldom mentioned (such as Barbara Bush's mean-spiritedness). I found it interesting that despite his immense talent for political strategy, and the wealth and power this talent gave him, Rollins had a failed marriage to a single mother with 2 kids. Professional success did not lead to personal success until later in life for him. I hope Mr. Rollins will pop up on political shows more often. ... Read more | |
| 24. The Life of Oswald Chambers: Revered, Surprising and Beguiling Author of My Utmost For His Highest by Ted Seelye | |
![]() | list price: $17.99
our price: $17.99 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1886463093 Catlog: Book (1997-07-01) Publisher: Dick Sleeper Distribution Sales Rank: 669105 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description alone, but remarkably few people know its fascinating story. Learn of Oswald Chambers life, his sense of humor and his love for children. Reviews (1)
Bob Moorer A man who loves Jesus ... Read more | |
| 25. Rise, Let Us Be on Our Way by John Paul II | |
![]() | list price: $22.98
our price: $16.09 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1594830126 Catlog: Book (2004-10-01) Publisher: Time Warner Audiobooks Sales Rank: 378296 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description | |
| 26. Churchill in His Own Voice by Winston Churchill | |
![]() | list price: $18.00
our price: $12.24 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1559949996 Catlog: Book (1994-06-01) Publisher: HarperAudio Sales Rank: 114604 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (5)
All one tends to hear nowadays of Churchill's speeches are short excerpts/the highlights. Instead of that, to hear his speeches in full and going back to before the war, is simply a revelation. Has there ever been a greater political speaker? I doubt it. A must for anyone interested in modern political history and with the added bonus of some brief excerpts from speeches by other notable figures of Churchill's time-eg Harry Truman, FDR, Eleanor Roosevelt.
Months ago, I wished aloud that I had an audio tape of Mr. Churchill's speeches -- and then I discovered these tapes from Amazon quite magically. Coincidence? Perhaps. Or maybe the enigmatic Mr. Churchill still has influence in our world. The cassettes aretapes of Mr. Churchill's most famous speeches before, during and after World War II when he was the most important man in the world -- the prophet of truth and the architect of peace. The tapes also include some of the more famous speeches of Adolph Hitler, portrayed by actor Tonio Selwart. Other speakers include George VI, Eleanor Roosevelt, Goerge S. Patton and Harry Truman. Two of the world's most talented actors -- Sir Laurence Olivier and John Gielgud lend their talents in reading excepts of Mr. Churchill's memoirs. The tapes containstunnning oratories by Winston Churchill who reaches through the veil even now to inspire and support us through whatever battle of mind, body or spirit that engages us at any given moment. Mr. Churchill was a Visionary. He always saw the possibilities. He always had hope. His advice to us is, "Never despair!" And somehow, his words, his voice, his optimistic spirit will help see us through our own darkest hour and inspire us to be victorious over the forces of darkness, without or within.
| |
| 27. John Adams (American Presidents Series (Los Angeles, Calif.).) by John P. Diggins, Richard Rohan | |
![]() | list price: $25.95
our price: $25.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 155927879X Catlog: Book (2003-06-01) Publisher: Audio Renaissance Sales Rank: 980728 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description
Reviews (1)
| |
| 28. LINCOLN by David Herbert Donald | |
![]() | list price: $25.00
our price: $16.50 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0671536818 Catlog: Book (1995-11-01) Publisher: Simon & Schuster Audio Sales Rank: 110009 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description In the bestselling tradition of Truman, two-time Pulitzer Prize-winning biographer David Herbert Donald offers a new classic in American history and biography -- a masterly account of how one man's extraordinary political acumen steered the Union to victory in the Civil War, and of how his soaring rhetoric gave meaning to that agonizing struggle for nationhood and equality. Culminating his half-century of study of Lincoln and his times, Donald brilliantly traces Lincoln's rise from humble origins to the pinnacle of the presidency. He reveals the development of the future President's character and shows how Lincoln's enormous capacity for growth enabled one of the least experienced men ever elected to high office to become a giant in the annals of American politics. And he depicts a man who was basically passive by nature, yet ambitious enough to take enormous risks and overcome repeated defeats. Much more than a political biography, Lincoln seats us behind the desk of a President who, was both a master of ambiguity and expediency and a great moral leader, as he makes the decisions that preserved the Union and shaped modern America. Reviews (65)
I agree with other reviewers that while there is not enough of Lincoln's personal life -- at times I had to remind myself that the man even had kids! -- Donald still skillfully paints a portrait of an amazingly complex man. Fueled by a desire to escape the fate of his uneducated, unambitious father, Lincoln felt driven all of his life to succeed ; he felt pushed forward to a great destiny by God, or the "Doctrine of Neccsity",that was completely out of his control and would lead him safely down life's path. He was an incredibly charming man who could light up a room with his energy, but he also regularly plunged into a deep and dark depression. He was utterly self-confident and knew he was the equal of any man. Intitially a moderate who opposed abolishing slavery in the states, he slowly realized that either slavery would be destroyed, or the Union surely would be. He was also a master politician. He sensed early on in the 1840s that the nation was on the brink of a new era and that the Whig party had to adapt to the changing times, or die. After his beloved Whig party disintegrated, he helped establish the IL Republican party and, after an unsuccessful run for the Senate in 1858, triumphed over well-known and powerful opponents like William Seward and Salmon Chase to win the presidential nomination and election in 1860. Throughout his political career and his tenure as President he stuck to the center and walked a tightrope between the Conservatives and Radicals in his own party and the Peace Democrats in the other party. While unailingly honest, he understood the political value of ambiguity to cloud facts that he would admit only if forced. Finally, at the dawn of his second term, he had so outmaneuvered all of his opponents in the Congress, in the North, and in the South, that he stood as the unquestioned master of American politics -- not bad for a boy who had grown up in a log cabin with less than a year of formal schooling. Doanld shows us Lincoln, the man and not merely the statue. Like the rest of us, he was a fallible human being who wasn't always sure that what he was doing was right but sure that he owed it to his country to serve it with honor and dignity in its hour of greatest peril. Donald makes it clear that we owe our country to this man, and one can't put down this book without agreeing.
There is much of interest in this book, but it lacks the warmth and the narrative felicity that make a chronicle of a life really come alive. Throughout, Donald uses "Lincoln"-never "Abe" or even "Abraham". It's a small thing, but it contributes to the book's impersonal tone. Moreover, he almost never describes Abe Lincoln's feelings, and only occasionally touches on his personal life, such as his relations with Mary, or how he reacted to the deaths of his sons. Lincoln comes to seem a man almost independent of his environment-certainly indifferent to food or comfort, or, we suspect, love-who reserves his real passions for the machinations of politics. However, the author does make credible Lincoln's moral and political greatness; he just does not quite give us a feel for the man. It sounds like Donald's more recent book, "Lincoln at Home", could be the ideal companion volume to this one.
Good: 1. The first couple of chapters describing Lincoln's early life were quite interesting and informative, from the strong relationship with his stepmother to the strained relationship with his father. Reading about his other early struggles and failures further impressed me with Lincoln's persistence and incredible tenacity. Bad: 1. The book's length - the text was right at 600 pages and at times proved to be a dry read. While interesting anecdotes were incorporated, the text often seemed to drag on with dry policy decisions. Granted, I am more interested in military affairs as opposed to politics. However, I still believe the book spent too much on the politics and not nearly enough on the military. Overall, I do believe the book is a worthwhile read - just be ready to spend plenty of time due to the large content! Since this is the first comprehensive biography of Lincoln I have read, I cannot honestly compare it to other Lincoln biographers. However, I can say that I have read other biographies (Lee, Grant, etc.) of other famous Americans and I feel like I have gotten to know the person better instead of just knowing ABOUT the person. Despite this, I still recommend the book.
| |
| 29. GOD I LOVE UNABR AUD CAS : A Lifetime of Walking with Jesus by Joni Eareckson Tada | |
![]() | list price: $39.99
our price: $26.39 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0310253144 Catlog: Book (2003-08-01) Publisher: Zondervan Sales Rank: 624320 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (6)
The God I Love, is wonderful.I relate to Joni and her horse accomplishments and her life before the accident.She is an incredible writer.Now in this book, she fills us in on her entire life up to the present.There are several surprises.Her family, her friends, her travels thruout the world, how she deals with her physical condition, and what makes her joyful, are all here, written so beautifully and so sincerely. I recommend this book to everyone - young and old - no matter what your religious affiliation - this book is about a life well lived despite being confined to a wheelchair because this talented intelligent woman reached out to God.
| |
| 30. William McKinley (American Presidents Series (Los Angeles, Calif.).) by Kevin Phillips, Richard Rohan | |
![]() | list price: $25.95
our price: $17.65 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1559279427 Catlog: Book (2003-10-01) Publisher: Audio Renaissance Sales Rank: 753973 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description
Reviews (5)
The core of Phillips's argument is that much of the credit given to Theodore Roosevelt properly belongs to his predecessor McKinley. In establishing a political realignment in 1896 based on both labor and urban-dweller votes, in greatly expanding America's world role, and in beginning the reforms to tilt the balance of economic power from capital to labor, McKinley either preceded Roosevelt, setting the pace for the latter's presidency, or outdid TR altogether. Phillips's argument holds up fairly well, although some parts are better than others. He is very convincing in describing how McKinley created a political realignment in 1896 (and solidified it in 1900), but less so when discussing the importance of McKinley's rather circuitous route to protect labor against big capital. Some of the most interesting parts of this book are its sidebars. Phillips should be commended for including short write-ups on the importance of Ohio to late-nineteenth century and early-twentieth century politics, as well as the importance of silver in that era. I even enjoyed the sections on McKinley and the tariff. This is not your typical biography, but its unusual approach is a strength, not a weakness.
Phillips doesn't seem to have consulted any primary sources at all. We get a lot of "he must have reflected" stuff, and assertions that McKinley deliberately wore a mask of conventionality, and that his blandness was a conscious strategy, etc., with no attempt to demonstrate the historical validity of any of it. Still, there is some good stuff about Ohio's political centrality in the post-Civil War era, and a very good summary of the gold-silver debate, which was a matter of passionate interest in the 1880s and 1890s but is so baffling to modern Americans.
Most of these figures come with an abundance of published biographies, and one measure of success for these short presentations is whether the reader is left wanting to read more extensive treatises. Unfortunately, this 200 page biography of William McKinley left me anxious to finish, and no desire to read more. The author, Kevin Phillips, stated goal was to show how McKinley was more than just Teddy Roosevelt's predecessor, and deserved a ranking of much higher esteem. He contests the historical view that McKinley's importance is solely his expertise in tariffs. Oddly, the author then proceeds to include in each chapter significant discussion on tariffs. This made for very dry, and sometimes mind numbing reading. It also defeated his purpose of highlighting McKinley's other achievements. As to these other accomplishments, what he provided were mostly anecdotal claims of superior skills, and simple conjectures of what he may have accomplished if not assassinated. As to the circumstances involving the assassination, the author seems to presume that the reader is too well acquainted with the story to bother providing any details. He also states that the president was more concerned with others while he lay dying, than of his own self. This is a heartening claim, but he failed to give any example of what he meant. Furthermore, the author chose to not give any comparisons between how the Republican McKinley coped with national problems and with the current Republican president. This was an unfortunate choice by the author since it seemed like fertile ground, and would have gone far to make his subject more relevant to modern and future readers. I read the book thinking that the author was encumbered by his professional position as a Republican strategist. I now realize that he seems to have written this biography in conjunction with another book, published a few months later, faulting the Bush family's unprincipled influence on national politics. It appears, therefore, that the author had much more to say, but chose to not do it with McKinley's help. Perhaps he was correct, and my suggestions may not have made a difference, but the resulting book gives us little to dispute the historical portrait of this president. McKinley does appear to have been a genuinely good person with many scruples not often visible in current politicians, but still not one who deserves much elevation in historical importance.
The stereotype of McKinley is that he was a somewhat dimwitted puppet under the control of Big Business, a man of little imagination, no culture, and a nonprogressive who was eclipsed by the ascendance of Teddy Roosevelt following his assassination. Phillips, on the other hand, wants to argue that he was a self-confident reformer who masked his goals under a congenial exterior, possessed a highly cultivated knack for maneuvering others to his own position, was vastly more concerned with protecting laborers and wages than the desires of business, and laid the foundations for progressive reforms that he himself would have begun had his life not ended so suddenly. Phillips shows that McKinley's obsession with tariffs had little to do with a desire to reward the rich, but with a desire to increase the wages of American workers. Though but lightly stated, much of Phillips's book is intended as a polemic against contemporary misuses of McKinley, such as Karl Rove, George W. Bush's chief aide. Many conservatives envision turning government back to a time before the unquestionably Progressive Roosevelt, to a mythical William McKinley who is assumed to share many of the values of contemporary supporters of Bush. Phillips shows over and over, however, that McKinley in fact shared almost no basic political goals or values with contemporary conservatives. Continually throughout the book, Phillips shows that McKinley had deep ties to labor, and was concerned with the needs of business primarily to the degree that healthy business meant higher wages for workers. He was quite sympathetic to organized labor, to a degree unusual in his time, and even the right of workers to strike. On the other hand, he, like all 19th century American presidents, found the accumulation of excessive amounts of wealth to be repugnant and a little obscene, hardly a quality he holds with contemporary conservatives. Even further destroying the parallels between current conservativism and McKinley, Phillips refers to McKinley's concerns with tax fairness, which did not mean lessening the tax burden on the wealthy and business, but the demand for a progressive tax structure that required those best off paying more than those less well off. McKinley's progressivism in the book comes out also in his strong support for women being given the right to vote, for blacks to be allow to vote unimpeded, and for senators to be voted by direct vote by the people, and not by selection by state legislatures. Phillips notes that many give McKinley more credit for achievements in foreign policy, but brings the credit he deserves into sharper focus, noting that during the crisis with Spain he essentially took on the jobs of Secretary of State (due to the unexpected rapid aging of John Sherman) and Secretary of War. Lest one imagine that these are all creative rereadings of McKinley's career based on playing lose with the facts, Phillips shows that the essential assessment he makes was borne out by the evaluations of the illustrious individuals who served in his cabinet. He also displays the causes for the unflattering portrait of McKinley that grew up after the onset of the New Deal. One could easily disagree with much in the book, and nonetheless celebrate it for being a significant and spirited reevaluation of a significant American president. Nearly all the writers in this series have attempted to validate the claim that their subjects were underrated presidents (except Robert Remini, who though maintaining that John Quincy Adams is one of the great American public servants, concedes that he was a pretty dismal president), but Phillips wants to do more than that. In Schlesinger terminology, he wants to argue that he is a near great president, but on top of that has been horribly misunderstood in profound and important ways. Whether one agrees with his reassessment, this book performs a great service by dismantling a persistent but untenable stereotype. Of all the books in this series (I have read all but Garry Wills book on Madison), this one is by far the most invigorating one that I have read. The other volumes have deepened my knowledge of several of our presidents, but this one has actually changed my mind. ... Read more | |
| 31. The Hiding Place (Corrie Ten Boom Library) by Corrie Ten Boom, John Sherrill, Elizabeth Sherrill, Carole Boyd | |
![]() | list price: $14.99
our price: $10.19 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0800799003 Catlog: Book (1996-10-01) Publisher: Chosen Books Sales Rank: 115708 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (130)
While reading, I felt a veritable melange of emotions running the gamut from sadness, anger, despair, and hope. Thanks to the wonderful writing, you feel like you're reading a novel -- although one that is all too harrowing and real. As Betsie quotes the Bible and says, "Give thanks in all circumstances," she subsequently says "Thanks for the fleas" -- a moment that demonstrated that God DOES work in mysterious ways. Without giving away anything that happens, I strongly exhort you to read The Hiding Place -- a book that stays with you long after you have turned the last page. "No pit is so deep that He is not deeper still."
| |
| 32. Grover Cleveland (The American Presidents) by Henry F. Graff, Ira Claffey | |
![]() | list price: $25.95
our price: $17.13 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 155927736X Catlog: Book (2002-07-01) Publisher: Audio Renaissance Sales Rank: 708438 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description
Reviews (5)
A mildly successful lawyer with modest ambitions, he would have remained obscure except for extraordinary luck. He became mayor of Buffalo in 1881 when frustrated Republican reformers joined Democrats in seeking an honest candidate. No prominent figure wanted the low paying, slightly disreputable position, so it fell to Cleveland. A year later he became governor of New York when Republicans self-destructed by choosing an unpopular candidate, and Democratic frontrunners stalemated, forcing the party to pick a dark horse. Soon after assuming office, Cleveland won the approval of Samuel Tilden, still the dominant figure in the party. Luck continued to bless Cleveland, not only making him a presidential candidate after two years as governor but providing the slightly disreputable James G. Blaine as an opponent. A reputation for honesty made the difference in the close election of 1884. The first Democratic president since the Civil War, Cleveland receives credit for leading his party back into the mainstream, but this is arguable because Democrat Tilden, not Rutherford B. Hayes, probably won the disputed 1876 election. Many writers complain that Cleveland's reputation suffers because he faced no great national crisis, but this is anachronism. Americans always believe they are undergoing a national crisis (aren't we undergoing one now?). 1880s America was tormented by a chronic agricultural depression, bitter labor disputes, rage against trusts and railroads, and rising fury at political corruption. Leaders of post-Civil War Democrats opposed social reform as stubbornly as Republicans but had less objection to honest government. Cleveland's first administration reinforced his reputation. He reorganized and reformed executive departments, vetoed many private and pork-barrel bills as well as any law that smacked of social reform. Certain that monetary policy and the tariff held the keys to prosperity, both parties devoted far too much energy to these issues that now seem arcane. Cleveland shared this obsession, but he was never an activist. His single major legislative effort, at tariff reform, failed because he considered it beneath him to lobby Congress. Attacks on his tariff policy contributed to the narrow defeat by Benjamin Harrison in 1888. Then luck returned: a slump in 1890 doomed Harrison to a single term. Cleveland easily gained renomination in 1892; Democrats won in a landslide, controlling Congress for the first time in a generation. There are eerie parallels with Wilson's Democratic sweep in 1912 and FDR's in 1932, but those administrations were led by great presidents. As Cleveland entered office again, the slump had become a depression. Growing populist, farmer, and labor movements poured out plenty of helpful suggestions which merely made Cleveland and party leaders nervous. They worried most about a weakening currency and social disorder. One legislative act, repeal of the Sherman Silver Purchase Act, enjoyed support among both parties. Cleveland demonstrated uncharacteristic energy in lobbying, but passage produced no noticeable effect. Nowadays everyone condemns Cleveland's attack on the pitiful Coxey's army of unemployed (a foretaste of Hoover and the Bonus Marchers during the next depression). We also fault him for crushing the Pullman strike, but contemporary editorials and the middle-class electorate generally approved. In the 1896 Democratic convention, reformers easily swept to power and nominated Bryan. Cleveland considered this an irresponsible aberration and supported McKinley. It wasn't an aberration; the old conservative leadership never regained power, nor did the fractious Democrats until 1912. Cleveland was the last Democratic president who embodied nineteenth century Jeffersonian ideals (minimalist government, opposition to social legislation). Hoover was the last Republican Jeffersonian. Great presidents demonstrate qualities such as vision, compassion, imagination, and energy in exercising power. None of these were in Cleveland's repertoire. A solid, honest, nonreforming leader, he belongs in the upper ranks of second-rate presidents. American history buffs should collect every volume in the fine American President series, short biographies by mostly eminent writers (Robert Remini on John Quincy Adams is the best I've read so far). Like the subject, this biography is competent. Historian Graff tells the story of Cleveland's life, leaning over backward to find nice things to say without exaggerating his accomplishments. Allan Nevins' 1944 opus is probably the definitive biography, but it's long in the tooth and perhaps also too long for the nonspecialist. Readers looking for the best single volume work will find a lively and opinionated account in Horace Samuel Merrill's Bourbon Leader: Grover Cleveland (Little, Brown, 1957).
Professor Graff's short study of the life of Grover Cleveland (1837-1908) fulfills the aim of the series. The book consists of a brief biography of Cleveland and covers his youth, his public (and some of his private) life before he became president, his two presidencies, and his life in retirement. The accomplishments of each of his two terms are summarized, if briefly. As do most writers who have studied Cleveland, Professor Graff finds his strength in his integrity and common sense. He was able to persuade his fellow Americans, both before and during his presidency of his honesty. Cleveland was a President without charisma and an uninspiring public speaker. He regretted his entire life his lack of a college education, and his career shows something of a discomfort with new ideas or new approaches. Yet, he was able to turn these traits, together with his own strengths into advantages. He proved a capable and inspiring President. Professor Graff does not engage in hero-worship. If anything, I thought that he somewhat undervalued Cleveland and his accomplishment. He describes some aspects of Cleveland's presidencies which seem to run counter to the picture of Cleveland as a reformer and as given to complete probity and openness.(For examples, Graff discusses the abrupt dismissals of many Republican civil servants at the outset of his terms and the secret operation on Cleveland's jaw which was held on a ship offshore to conceal it from the public at the beginning of Cleveland's second term.) Yet Graff finds much to admire in Cleveland in his hard work, acknolwedgement of his illegitimate child, financial probity, and Civil Service reform. Graff praises Cleveland for his refusal to support the annexation of Hawaii when its queen was overthrown under dubious circumstances. Cleveland restored public faith in government at a time when it was sorely lacking. I think he was the first President who could be desribed as attempting to govern by principles that he believed were both "conservative" and "c | |