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| 141. Rutherford B. Hayes: 1877 - 1881: (The American Presidents Series) by Hans Trefousse, Arthur M. Schlesinger | |
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our price: $20.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0805069089 Catlog: Book (2002-11-05) Publisher: Times Books Sales Rank: 121028 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Reviews (5)
Trefousse quickly runs through the pre-political life of Hayes from his first-rate education to his distinguished military career, showing that Hayes was one of the most intellectually minded of American presidents and that his war record was very impressive. In the Civil War, Hayes was an officer of solid character, who earned the respect of his men by his faithful service to them. Hayes's character is also shown in the warm relationship he had with his wife Lucy for over forty years. Trefousse's recounting of Hayes's pre-presidential political life and the election of 1876 is finely done, but it is the chapters on Hayes's presidency that most pleasantly surprise. Before this book -- the first biography of Hayes I have read -- I primarily knew of Hayes as the president who ended Reconstruction after a controversial election. But there was far more to Hayes's administration. Once in office, Hayes sought civil service reform (much to the horror of many in his own party), toned down the nastier elements of America's Indian policy, and pushed hard for a moderate solution to the anti-immigrant sentiment towards the Chinese flaring out on the West Coast. He also fought to prevent silver from being used as coinage, fearing the inflated currency would ruin the nation's credit. In my opinion, the greatest value of The American President Series is what it has done for neglected U.S. presidents like Rutherford Hayes. By presenting a series of short volumes on all the American presidents, it makes the lives of those chief executives, who are generally considered less important in U.S. history, more accessible to the reading public. Few people, even among serious readers, would probably want to sit down with a 300- to 400-page book on the lives of Rutherford Hayes or Gerald Ford with the same anticipation they would a similar-size book on the lives of Theodore Roosevelt or Ronald Reagan. This wonderfully written series ensures that those readers will never again have to make the choice between a long biography on some neglected president or no biography at all.
Rutherford B. Hayes is a perfect subject for one of these brief biographies. Unless for some reason one wants to delve especially deep into Hayes's life, he is not one of the foremost presidents, and therefore not someone a great number of people want to spend a great deal of time studying. As Trefousse shows, he had some substantive achievements in his administration, including ending Reconstruction and the beginning of civil service reform. Moreover, he emerges as a likeable and admirable individual, as a person who did the office of president a great service. The book also is somewhat guilty of minimizing Hayes weaknesses as a president. However, Trefousse was not able to convince me that he is one of the pivotal figures in American history, and while I can't rule out going on to read another biography of Hayes at some point, I feel that 150 pages on Hayes was just about right. One thing that bothered me a bit in the book was Trefousse's attempt to stress parallels between Hayes's election and that of 2000. In both instances, the election was extremely close, with the loser winning more of the popular vote but losing on the electoral votes, with Florida playing a key role each time. The instances, however, are nonparallel in a number of other ways. In 1876 Hayes, the winner, was deprived of a vast number of black votes by Southerners harassing blacks as they attempted to vote, so that he probably would have won the popular vote as well as the electoral. In 2000, tens of thousands of black voters were illegally (in the strict since, for the Ashcroft Justice Department later ruled that the Civil Rights of black voters had been interfered with in the voter purge, not that it will reverse the outcome of the election) from the list of registered voters, depriving Gore of tens of thousands of votes. Also, although both Hayes and Bush became president of a deeply divided nation, Hayes worked very hard to unify the nation, while Bush has increased the division since being named president by the Supreme Court. Still, I do recommend this biography. It is likely to be all that one would need on Hayes. I do not think it is as strong as some of the other books I have read in the same series, for instance Garry Wills's superb little book on Madison or Remini's surprisingly good biography of John Quincy Adams (surprising because Remini is the foremost biographer of Jackson, and he and Adams were bitter political rivals).
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| 142. A Man Called Peter: The Story of Peter Marshall by Catherine Marshall | |
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Book Description A Man Called Peter became the number-one best-seller when it was published in 1951, and around the world lives were changed by reading of the chaplain's remarkable faith. In the foreword to this book, Peter's son writes, "Even when [Dad's] words were preached 'secondhand'. . . in the movie version of A Man Called Peter, they had an amazing effect on people." Through Peter¹s story and the compelling sermons and prayers included in A Man Called Peter, you will discover insight into God, man, and life on earth and hereafter. You will also be encouraged by the realization that "if God can do so much for a man called Peter, he can do as much for you." Reviews (7)
In this volume, lovingly penned by his wife, the late Catherine Marshall, the greater Christian world is introduced to one of the foremost Protestant ministers of the 20th century. Peter Marshall was an immigrant from Scotland who, at a young age, felt the call of God on his life. From this call, he never wavered. This biography details his life, his struggles as a young pastor, and his eventual triumphs as the pastor of New York Avenune Presbyterian Church in Washington, DC and his appointment as Chaplain to the United States Senate. Throughout we're given glimpses of Dr. Marshall's wit, his humor, his zest for life -- and his devotion to his God. His untimely death at 46 was a great loss to the Christian community. As an additional bonus, several of Dr. Marshall's prayers and sermons can be found in this book as well. A wonderful, inspirational read. Five stars. ... Read more | |
| 143. William McKinley (The American Presidents) by Kevin Phillips, Arthur M. Schlesinger | |
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our price: $13.60 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0805069534 Catlog: Book (2003-10-01) Publisher: Times Books Sales Rank: 199014 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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The core of Phillips's argument is that much of the credit given to Theodore Roosevelt properly belongs to his predecessor McKinley. In establishing a political realignment in 1896 based on both labor and urban-dweller votes, in greatly expanding America's world role, and in beginning the reforms to tilt the balance of economic power from capital to labor, McKinley either preceded Roosevelt, setting the pace for the latter's presidency, or outdid TR altogether. Phillips's argument holds up fairly well, although some parts are better than others. He is very convincing in describing how McKinley created a political realignment in 1896 (and solidified it in 1900), but less so when discussing the importance of McKinley's rather circuitous route to protect labor against big capital. Some of the most interesting parts of this book are its sidebars. Phillips should be commended for including short write-ups on the importance of Ohio to late-nineteenth century and early-twentieth century politics, as well as the importance of silver in that era. I even enjoyed the sections on McKinley and the tariff. This is not your typical biography, but its unusual approach is a strength, not a weakness.
Phillips doesn't seem to have consulted any primary sources at all. We get a lot of "he must have reflected" stuff, and assertions that McKinley deliberately wore a mask of conventionality, and that his blandness was a conscious strategy, etc., with no attempt to demonstrate the historical validity of any of it. Still, there is some good stuff about Ohio's political centrality in the post-Civil War era, and a very good summary of the gold-silver debate, which was a matter of passionate interest in the 1880s and 1890s but is so baffling to modern Americans.
Most of these figures come with an abundance of published biographies, and one measure of success for these short presentations is whether the reader is left wanting to read more extensive treatises. Unfortunately, this 200 page biography of William McKinley left me anxious to finish, and no desire to read more. The author, Kevin Phillips, stated goal was to show how McKinley was more than just Teddy Roosevelt's predecessor, and deserved a ranking of much higher esteem. He contests the historical view that McKinley's importance is solely his expertise in tariffs. Oddly, the author then proceeds to include in each chapter significant discussion on tariffs. This made for very dry, and sometimes mind numbing reading. It also defeated his purpose of highlighting McKinley's other achievements. As to these other accomplishments, what he provided were mostly anecdotal claims of superior skills, and simple conjectures of what he may have accomplished if not assassinated. As to the circumstances involving the assassination, the author seems to presume that the reader is too well acquainted with the story to bother providing any details. He also states that the president was more concerned with others while he lay dying, than of his own self. This is a heartening claim, but he failed to give any example of what he meant. Furthermore, the author chose to not give any comparisons between how the Republican McKinley coped with national problems and with the current Republican president. This was an unfortunate choice by the author since it seemed like fertile ground, and would have gone far to make his subject more relevant to modern and future readers. I read the book thinking that the author was encumbered by his professional position as a Republican strategist. I now realize that he seems to have written this biography in conjunction with another book, published a few months later, faulting the Bush family's unprincipled influence on national politics. It appears, therefore, that the author had much more to say, but chose to not do it with McKinley's help. Perhaps he was correct, and my suggestions may not have made a difference, but the resulting book gives us little to dispute the historical portrait of this president. McKinley does appear to have been a genuinely good person with many scruples not often visible in current politicians, but still not one who deserves much elevation in historical importance.
The stereotype of McKinley is that he was a somewhat dimwitted puppet under the control of Big Business, a man of little imagination, no culture, and a nonprogressive who was eclipsed by the ascendance of Teddy Roosevelt following his assassination. Phillips, on the other hand, wants to argue that he was a self-confident reformer who masked his goals under a congenial exterior, possessed a highly cultivated knack for maneuvering others to his own position, was vastly more concerned with protecting laborers and wages than the desires of business, and laid the foundations for progressive reforms that he himself would have begun had his life not ended so suddenly. Phillips shows that McKinley's obsession with tariffs had little to do with a desire to reward the rich, but with a desire to increase the wages of American workers. Though but lightly stated, much of Phillips's book is intended as a polemic against contemporary misuses of McKinley, such as Karl Rove, George W. Bush's chief aide. Many conservatives envision turning government back to a time before the unquestionably Progressive Roosevelt, to a mythical William McKinley who is assumed to share many of the values of contemporary supporters of Bush. Phillips shows over and over, however, that McKinley in fact shared almost no basic political goals or values with contemporary conservatives. Continually throughout the book, Phillips shows that McKinley had deep ties to labor, and was concerned with the needs of business primarily to the degree that healthy business meant higher wages for workers. He was quite sympathetic to organized labor, to a degree unusual in his time, and even the right of workers to strike. On the other hand, he, like all 19th century American presidents, found the accumulation of excessive amounts of wealth to be repugnant and a little obscene, hardly a quality he holds with contemporary conservatives. Even further destroying the parallels between current conservativism and McKinley, Phillips refers to McKinley's concerns with tax fairness, which did not mean lessening the tax burden on the wealthy and business, but the demand for a progressive tax structure that required those best off paying more than those less well off. McKinley's progressivism in the book comes out also in his strong support for women being given the right to vote, for blacks to be allow to vote unimpeded, and for senators to be voted by direct vote by the people, and not by selection by state legislatures. Phillips notes that many give McKinley more credit for achievements in foreign policy, but brings the credit he deserves into sharper focus, noting that during the crisis with Spain he essentially took on the jobs of Secretary of State (due to the unexpected rapid aging of John Sherman) and Secretary of War. Lest one imagine that these are all creative rereadings of McKinley's career based on playing lose with the facts, Phillips shows that the essential assessment he makes was borne out by the evaluations of the illustrious individuals who served in his cabinet. He also displays the causes for the unflattering portrait of McKinley that grew up after the onset of the New Deal. One could easily disagree with much in the book, and nonetheless celebrate it for being a significant and spirited reevaluation of a significant American president. Nearly all the writers in this series have attempted to validate the claim that their subjects were underrated presidents (except Robert Remini, who though maintaining that John Quincy Adams is one of the great American public servants, concedes that he was a pretty dismal president), but Phillips wants to do more than that. In Schlesinger terminology, he wants to argue that he is a near great president, but on top of that has been horribly misunderstood in profound and important ways. Whether one agrees with his reassessment, this book performs a great service by dismantling a persistent but untenable stereotype. Of all the books in this series (I have read all but Garry Wills book on Madison), this one is by far the most invigorating one that I have read. The other volumes have deepened my knowledge of several of our presidents, but this one has actually changed my mind. ... Read more | |
| 144. Jerome Bonaparte: The War Years, 1800-1815 (Contributions in Military Studies) by Glenn J. Lamar | |
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Book Description Reviews (1)
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| 145. The Wit and Wisdom of Abraham Lincoln by JAMES C. HUMES | |
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our price: $6.99 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0517207192 Catlog: Book (1999-11-30) Publisher: Gramercy Sales Rank: 54241 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (2)
"I see in the near future a crisis approaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. Corporations have been enthroned, an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will endeavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until the wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the Republic is destroyed," Lincoln said.
I read this work straight through but it would also be a great "subway read". Each of the stories are short too the point and usually very funny. ... Read more | |
| 146. Martin Luther King, Jr., on Leadership : Inspiration and Wisdom for Challenging Times by Donald T. Phillips | |
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our price: $10.46 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0446675466 Catlog: Book (2000-01-15) Publisher: Warner Business Books Sales Rank: 101011 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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He breaks down the book into 4 sections, that each details the start and end of the American Civil Rights movement. Phillips does an amazing job at chronicling the events that most shaped the philosophy of Dr. King. I truly enjoyed this book because it helped me realize that it is possible for me to achieve my goals using the same techniques that Dr. King used. The book does a great job at outlining how a normal person can create change the way Dr. King did. Whether you live in turbulent times like those in which the Civil Rights took place or not. I recommend this book to anyone in a leadership position to those who aspire to be leaders, but mostly to those with a goal to succeed. The knowledge you will acquire with this book is invaluable to future successes. The book targets all, but I think it specifically aims to inspire African- Americans especially those who wish to be in leadership positions. The book in general is a great read for businesses and for groups in general. It informs the audience about the dynamics of groups and how to work through the problems that groups face. It helps inform leaders as to the advantages and disadvantages of being a leader. Overall the book is a great read. And you will truly enjoy it.
As Donald Phillips points out, for every major turning point in American history, creative leaders - right for the times and uniquely suited to the task - assume the mantle of leadership. Donald Phillips not only describes how MLK ended up at the mantle, but how and why he was the right person for the job. MLK's movement is not the same civil rights movement being pushed by the self-serving, so-called, activists today. Read this book, you will learn about a true leader and what a true leader is. It is easy reading and inspiring. Highly recommended.
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| 147. Rudy Giuliani: Emperor of the City by Andrew Kirtzman | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0688174922 Catlog: Book (2000-07-14) Publisher: William Morrow & Company Sales Rank: 443500 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description For three surreal weeks in the spring of 2000, Rudy Giuliani held the nation in suspense as he agonized over whether to continue in the race for the U.S. Senate against Hillary Clinton.He'd been diagnosed with cancer; his marriage was crumbling amid reports of an extramarital affair; his wife tearfully lashed out at him in public.It was an excruciating private crisis played out before a national audience, and by the time Giuliani finally announced his decision in an extraordinary public performance, the world was again captivated by the drama centering around this unusual man. This is the story of Rudy Giuliani's rise to power, from the moment he and a small squad of ex-prosecutors set out to capture New York City's mayoralty in 1989 to the dramatic turning point in his race against the First Lady of the United States. When Giuliani took over as mayor in 1994, New York was slowly sinking into an abyss of deteriorating living conditions:It was the crime capital of the country, described by Time magazine as "The Rotting Apple"; it was filthy and dangerous, its streets and terminals overtaken by armies of homeless people.The city was teetering on the edge of bankruptcy again.Polls showed most New Yorkers wanted out. The public would soon get a taste of Giuliani's style.Each week brought a new brawl, with the new mayor egging his adversaries on.He threw Yasir Arafat out of Lincoln Center and sparked an international incident; he tried to evict the Brooklyn Museum after its directors staged an exhibition he deemed sacrilegious; he battled the Mafia, liberals, and leaders of his own party.The mayor snarled at the very mention of his critics -- and their numbers seemed to grow by the hour. Some viewed him as a savior; others called him a tyrant.But by the force of his will and little more, this man with no experience in municipal government ended up changing the face of his city. In this riveting portrait of his mayoralty, Andrew Kirtzman tells the story of Giuliani's zealous crusade to clean up, control, and shape New York City.Based on interviews with more than two hundred of the mayor's closest aides and fiercest adversaries -- and the author's own experience covering him for eight years -- Rudy Giuliani:Emperor of the City tells the behind-the-scenes story of his reign. Is Rudy Giuliani a hero, a danger, or both?What's it worth to be led by a strong man?How much power are we willing to give one person?Rudy Giuliani: Emperor of the City offers some answers as it tells the tale of one man's historic rise -- in all its dramatic, outrageous, and ultimately poignant detail. Reviews (17)
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| 148. The Men We Became : My Friendship with John F. Kennedy, Jr. by Robert T. Littell | |
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our price: $16.29 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0312324766 Catlog: Book (2004-06-04) Publisher: St. Martin's Press Sales Rank: 47756 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Above all else, this is a testament to a loving friendship. As a man the same age as these two friends I could completely relate to the overriding theme of Rob's writing. Friendship and a very close one at that. Which other family would consistently serve burned hamburgers (Rob's favorite) to a grown man because he's a picky eater? Aside from tasteful and measured insights into the Kennedy family's homes and personal tastes and marriages, one is left Rob, you could not have written this book as easily as writing it. Thanks from "a guy" for writing it.
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| 149. American Dreamer: A Life of Henry A. Wallace by John C. Culver, John Hyde | |
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our price: $12.89 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0393322289 Catlog: Book (2001-09) Publisher: W.W. Norton & Company Sales Rank: 146790 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (4)
The underlying premise of this book as that an idealistic dreamer can make a huge difference in the creating and shaping policy in the United States. The co-author of this work is a former Senator from Iowa named John C. Culver. He served one-term in the 1970's. Through Henry Wallace, the authors mount a formidable defense of the ideals of American liberalism.
Wallace was a brilliant complex man. Early in his life he developed and promoted hybrid corn that improved the productivity of American (and subsequently world) farmers. He was the real drivers of the recovery of American agriculture during the Depression. Wallace made difficult, often unpopular choices, that had the long term effect of improving the country's agrarian strength. As a politician he was simultaneously naive and crafty. His ability to move controversial New Deal legislation through Congress showed how skilled he could be. His run as a third party candidate for president in 52 demonstrated both his naivte and vanity (a quality he developed late in his life). My only quibble with this book is that it tells very little about what happened to Wallace following his quixotic presidential run. While the remaining 17 years of his life were hardly as eventful as what came before, it certainly merited greater coverage. Don't let this small matter detract from reading this otherwise excellent biography. After reading this biography, one reaches two conclusions: 1) it's probably best that Wallace never became president; as an idealist, he was too often unable to settle for the "good" instead of his view of the "perfect;" 2) despite his flaws, Wallace's brilliance and dedication make him seem much greater than anyone on the current political scene regardless of party.
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| 150. Son of the Revolution by LIANG HENG, JUDITH SHAPIRO | |
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our price: $10.20 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0394722744 Catlog: Book (1984-02-12) Publisher: Vintage Sales Rank: 51520 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (11)
This book often gets assigned as a college-level textbook for History courses, and it's easy to see why. Liang Heng literally experienced almost everything about the cultural revolution first hand. In the course of the book, he lives both sides of almost any set of events you can think of. For example, as a young boy he's involved in a revolutionary group that's excitedly denouncing capitalist influences at its school. In a fit of enthusiasm, he draws a scathing poster of a favorite teacher. Almost immediately he feels tremendously guilty over the drawing. His father and he talk about the teacher's reaction, and Liang Heng goes to apologize. Then, just when the teacher's benevolence and the father's wisdom seem to have smoothed over this pang of overzealousness in the student, Liang Heng discovers that his father, too, has been denounced in a poster, and that he himself has been shut out of his revolutionary group -- as the son of an intellectual. Within a single day he's gone from revolutionary youth to excluded son of a reactionary. He goes home that night to find his sisters threatening to move away to live at school, so as to distance themselves from his supposedly traitorous father. His father sits whispering, almost to himself, that the children should sincerely believe in the party and Mao, and that things will turn out right if they do so. This book is filled with tumultuous turns like that. Just when you've seen the sharp edge of one dilemma, it changes shape and presents another side. Throughout all those twists, Liang Heng keeps a sympathy for those around him that brings you through the book. He can understand why people caught in these events acted like they did, and he doesn't seem to really hate anyone for it despite all he's been through. His father and mother, who divorced early during the revolution because of his mother's political background, become very different objects of sympathy, but neither one is regarded with disdain. (His father, in particular, becomes the sort of quietly tragic figure you'd find in some sprawling Russian historical novel.) Other English language memoirs from these years in China don't approach the startling emotional clarity of this book. Life and Death in Shanghai, in particular, comes across as both shallower and more bitter. Son of the Revolution tells the entire story, first hand, with a sort of forgiveness, a sort of understanding, that I haven't forgotten in the six years since I first read it. This is worth a rare (for me) five stars.
Liang Heng came from a "bad" family. Over and over again he mentions the influence that this superficial categorization has on his life. He is beaten and harassed as a child, and hounded throughout his life by the shadow of his past. This book is fascinating as a study of how a regime which claimed to be building a classless society, actually created one that was exponentially more segmented than what had preceded it. It may take us a long time to fully understand the meaning of the Communist Revolution in 1949, and the Cultural Revolution of 1966-1977, or, for that matter, the revolution of 1911, which was really a pseudo revolution, because Sun Yat Sen was in power for only three months, and he was replaced by Yuan Shikai, who was one of the Empress Dowager's henchmen. What are we to conclude about the past century of China's history? Will it be viewed historically as a unique dynasty of its own, or an interlude between dynasties? And what of the new China that is currently developing? Are not the current developments in China in some ways more revolutionary than the political changes of the past century that bear that name? I'm just thinking out loud now--this book is not philosophy. I mention some of these questions, not because the book specifically raises them but because I think this book has brought me a little closer to understanding them. I was interested in this book primarily because of my interest in the developments which shaped the history of China during the last half of the twentieth century. I would not recommend building your entire knowledge of its history only from the personal narratives of those who have left China behind them. But books like this one are most definitely an essential part of understanding what went wrong-what kinds of forces came together to produce the Cultural Revolution. The Chinese government is understandably sensitive about material which seems to discredit the current government as a legitimate authority. But disdain for the Cultural Revolution is now established orthodoxy in the People's Republic, and books like this have a role to play in developing a better understanding of that tragic period in the history of modern China, of the "lost generation" that it produced, and especially, of the extent to which the current atmosphere in China is perhaps, in part, a reaction to the excesses of the Cultural Revolution.
Liang Heng, whose birth coincided with Ho Chi Minh's epic victory over the French in 1954, suffered for all the above reasons. Never a "rightist" himself, Heng suffered horribly during China's ten year political unrest of the 1960's and 70's. Heng's mother, a loyal party member in the late 1950's, reluctantly obeys the party's order to criticize superiors during the "Hundred Flowers" movement. Heng, like many, is never sure if the follow-up to the "Flowers" (in which those who faithfully criticized their elders were then rounded up for their insuboridination) was a knee jerk reaction to the unexpected ferocity the earlier campaign engendered, or whether the earlier movement was intended to weed out those critics to begin with. Only the consequences - in which Heng's mother must wear the feared "rightist cap", forever soilng her revolutionary record and that of her family - is considered. When Heng's father, who writes for the Hunan daily, becomes suspect for his admitted youthful infatuation with the nationalistic Koumintang, the family's political reputation suffers even more. Though loyal communists, Heng finds his father's name listed as an enemy on the many revolutioanry placards around their home city of Changsha. The Party maxim's - stressing tolerance for those whose backgrounds evince youthful mistakes - does little for Heng, since the revolution is guided by fervor and not nuance. And, though Maosim meant that party loyalty superceded family loyalty (sorry Confucious), it didn't prevent family members from suffering for political sins of family members. Through the turmoil - which evolves from parades to open warfare in the street using everything from sticks and stones to missiles - Heng avoids sanctimony. Heng suffered much of the chaos as a child, and isn't above admitting that he too wrote some revolutionary placards himself. He works hard to rehabilitate his father whose first major action is to cast out Heng's mother for her "rightist cap". Experience proved the decision, for its pain, proved correct, if insufficient, to protect the family. "Old Liang" himself suffered mightily for the cause, never once complaining. As a middle-aged exile, forced to bring the revolution to the peasants by joing them, Heng's father survived the indiginities of a country-bound city-types, never pausing to warm the lives of the peasants with Marxist fervor. Heng's private revolution, unlike the larger one surrounding him, is about nuance, and the narrative never attempts to surpass the perspective of a child of Heng's age during the cultural revolution. Like the more recent "Angela's Ashes", Heng knows that the more credible narrator is the one who feels and experiences rather than faithfully records. And the experience, rather than one of victimization is of survival. The revolution's true enemies are long gone by the time the cultural revolution degenerates into civil war, and only Heng's clear and non-judgmental narrative can spot that the war's victims and instigators are one and the same. ... Read more | |
| 151. All too Human by George Stephanopoulos | |
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our price: $10.17 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0316930164 Catlog: Book (2000-03-01) Publisher: Back Bay Books Sales Rank: 63037 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (272)
It confirmed what I'd felt reading newspapers about the Clinton administration during the first term; the White House and Congress are not all working together in the best interests of the US. Rather, each faction, whether Repub, Demo, Special Interest, etc. is only trying to maximize their own interests at the expense of anyone else's. (Sounds like a good application for Nash's game theory). Sure, this account is not an objective overview of anything; this is what George saw, felt, did, how he failed and succeeded. Anyone wanting to work in politics will find it interesting. Anyone affected by politics (that's all of us citizens) will cringe at realizing it's all on the job training each time a new administration comes in to office. I really enjoyed the read.
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