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| 41. An Enduring Love : My Life with the Shah - A Memoir by Farah Pahlavi | |
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our price: $16.47 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 140135209X Catlog: Book (2004-03-10) Publisher: Miramax Books Sales Rank: 28654 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (72)
Empress Farah is a true and unique Queen who her hand has touched so many lives regardless if they were coming from a small village some where in the middle of desert or newly grads from western countries. Her Majesty always welcomes them. She will be our Queen as long as we are alive, Shah's memory will be in our heart as a Crowned Father the one who loved his country and nation so much, if still some folks believe he was a dictator then, today the people of Iran knows what is the meaning of dictatorship, they have no rights, even to the life or future of their own children.
For thos who have chosend to diminish the Shah and his reign, I have a bit of advice. To the non Persian readers whom have called the Shah a tryannical ruler and a dictator....If he was truly such a man, he would have followed the advise of King Hussein of Jordan and commanded a tank battalion and crushed the protestors. However instead he chose to relinquish his crown so that not a single person sheds their blood. Even his harshest critics will site this mans humanity and grace. The reviews that I have read from outsiders can be best described as a novice chef imparting instructions on how to make a souffle having never made one, and then having the temerity and gall to describe the taste never having eaten one!
For all my Iranian friends who feel that we cannot comment on their country and its state, well, they have not yet learnt what freedom of speech is. If they had gone back to the Shah, who knows what would have happened. There is no jealousy in this review. I read enough about Persian history and know that this was the low sink point for Iran. I know that Pahlavis want to come back to power badly. A good start would be to admit the wrongs, but that would never happen would it. Portraying him as Nelson Mandela who was betrayed by all can get the sympathy of a few, well, not all will bite. Unfortunately madam, too many know the history of your family. Better luck next time. I am sorry that she lost her daughter. No parent should go through that, however, it is shameful that she tries to get political milage out of that incident too. Difficult situations produce the best and worst in people, the Pahlavis have not learnt. Her daughter was living an expensive lifestyle. Any other mother would try to analyze the cause for the problem and try to do genuine repair. Look at how Mandela was unable to go to his son's funeral when he was in prison for 20+ years. When he came out, he bore no illwill towards those who incarcerated him. He said, "If I did that, then I will become my own enemy". The change in South Africa happened without the chaos that was seen in Iran. He retired a private person, that is the mark of a great leader. The Pahlavis sent their children to good schools, but I wonder how much they learnt. If they had, they would not repeat the mistakes of the past but carve out a place for themselves. I sincerely hope that Iran goes back to its days of greatness with a happy future for its youngsters, but I am certain of one thing, given the content of this book, it is not under the Pahlavis.
This book is a wonderful depiction of the great services the Shah gave to Iran and they way we, the people of Iran, betrayed him. As the recent events in Iran show, the people of Iran are determined to bring down the brutal Islamic regime and restore dignity and sovereignty to the people. We will get our country back from the facist Islamic dictators! ... Read more | |
| 42. Chronicle of the Roman Emperors: The Reign-By-Reign Record of the Rulers of Imperial Rome (Chronical Series) by Chris Scarre, Christopher Scarre | |
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our price: $23.07 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0500050775 Catlog: Book (1995-10-01) Publisher: Thames & Hudson Sales Rank: 47419 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (20)
What I found most useful about the book was its chronological grouping of emperors (no more having to look in four different places for four "emperors" who reigned simultaneously -- until one defeated the other or they all fell). A second useful feature is its thumbnail summary of each "emperor's" birth, death, and regnal periods, his family, and his titles. The titles are often a good guide to the character of the emperors, with stay-at-Rome sybarites with titles such as "Gothicus" and "Germanicus" revealed as vainglorious, while warrior emperors with the same titles are revealed as true veterans prepared to fight for the imperial purple. One helpful feature is an explanation of the significance of the titles. The actual word designating an emperor, for instance, was NOT "Imperator," which was a military honor which could be won by any very succesful general, but "Augustus," with "Caesar" gradually acquiring the meaning of "heir apparent," with many a war fought over who should have which title. (As an interesting historical aside, you may want to note that while "Augustus" eventually became a personal name, "Caesar" became an imperial title in later kingdoms: both "Tsar" and "Kaisar" are actually derived from the name of the last dictator of the Republic, Gaius Julius Caesar, adoptive father of Octavian, who became the first "Augustus" and is usually designated by that title as if it were his proper name.) The third good feature of the Chronicle is the same as in other books of the series: a plethora of gorgeous photography of things from major architectural wonders to small handcrafts. The one great inconvenience of the book is the editorial choice of where to place those photos: they too often appear smack in the middle of an imperial biography, or separate the biographies of emperors whose lives should be studied together because of the interlocked details presented by Scarre. This placement was an irritant to me when I tried to just read through the book for pleasure -- the pictures presented jarring interuptions mid-story. Still and all, one can hardly do better than this for a broad survey of Imperial Rome.
This book begins with a brief summary of the city of Rome: how it grew from a monarchy to a Republic and how Octavian secured absolute power from the Senate and became Augustus, marking the beginning of Imperial Rome, which was to be the Western empire's final phase. The book has three sections: The First Emporers (from Augustus to Domitian); The High Point of Empire (Nerva to Alexander Severus); Crisis and Renewal (Maximinus Thrax to Constantine & Licinius); The Last Emporers (Constantine II to Romulus Augustulus). The book also has a continous timeline that runs through sections of the book for an at-a-glance history. It's important to note that this is not a history of the Roman Empire; it's a history of the Roman Emporers. Events not directly (or somewhat) tied to an emporer are not covered. You won't learn about the daily life of a Roman, for example. Still, through the lineage of emporers a history of the empire in general can be extracted. Who fought who, who tried to overthrow who, descriptions of how emporer's wives or mothers influenced (and sometimes took over) government, the conversion from traditional pagan Rome to a Christian Rome (it wasn't ALL Constantine), etc. The fall of Rome is not covered in great detail (the final section is the shortest and the detail becomes almost minimal), but the basic idea that the empire was overrun by various peoples emerges. The pictures, maps, and graphs throughout the book are incredible and complement the text very well. There are maps of conquests, borders of the empire at specific times, coins, maps of the city of Rome, pictures of busts and mosaics of emporers, architectural reconstructions, pictures of buildings in their current state, etc. Though this book will not make you an expert on the Roman Empire, it provides a great outline from which to learn more. Once it's read, keep it handy for reference. There are many lessons that can be learned from the lives and mistakes of the men (and women) who ruled Rome.
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| 43. Bush on the Couch: Inside the Mind of the President by Justin A. Frank | |
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our price: $15.72 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0060736704 Catlog: Book (2004-06-01) Publisher: Regan Books Sales Rank: 4055 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description For all his simplicity and affability, George W. Bush has remained, to paraphrase Sir Winston Churchill, "a mystery wrapped in an enigma." In Bush on the Couch, Dr. Justin A. Frank, a well-respected Washington, D.C.based psychoanalyst and professor of psychiatry, unwraps that mystery, assembling a comprehensive psychological profile of President Bush. Using the principles of applied psychoanalysis -- the discipline of psychoanalyzing public and historical figures pioneered by Freud -- Frank fearlessly builds his case ... and reaches conclusions that are at once highly persuasive and deeply disturbing. Through a close analysis of Bush's public statements and behavior, as well as the historical record provided by journalists, biographers, and those who have known the president well, Frank traces the development of Bush's character from childhood to the present day. Examining closely the role of the president's parents -- especially Barbara Bush, an acknowledged disciplinarian whose own insecurities may have prevented her from adequately nurturing her son -- Frank finds in Bush's childhood the roots of a dramatic psychic split that remains a dominant influence on his adult worldview. Frank argues that this split has inevitably hampered Bush's ability to manage his emotions, charging his psyche with restless anxiety, and conditioning him to view the world in the black-and-white terms that have so evidently shaped his administration. Among the other subjects Frank explores: At once a compelling portrait of George W. Bush and a damning indictment of his policies, Bush on the Couch sheds startling new light on an administration whose record of violence and cruelty seems increasingly dependent on the unstable psyche of the man at its center. Insightful and accessible, courageous and controversial, Bush on the Couch tackles the question no one seems willing to ask: Is our president psychologically fit to run the country? Reviews (32)
But Mr. Bush currently lives the most public life on the planet (despite the spin control exercised to suppress the less savory aspects of his life history). He wields far-reaching control over the lives, livelihoods, and policies governing an entire nation. And in squandering the international goodwill lavished upon the United States in the wake of September 11, time and again world affairs have been mishandled by Mr. Bush, much as a petulant child might kick over his Fisher-Price play set. How did this come about? Dr. Frank explains the pathology of GWB's personality and behavior in a scholarly-yet-readable narrative. I couldn't put the book down. In fact, I read it twice: underlining passages, dog-earing pages... Frank's arguments are clear, compelling, and utterly sensible. Dr. Frank employs the findings of some of the greatest names in psychiatry and psychoanalysis. He paints a revealing, frighteningly true portrait of a man whose deviant, sadistic behavior cries out for intervention not only to save his life, but those of the less powerful citizens pinned firmly under his thumb. "Bush on the Couch" is a convincing portrait of how GWB's incomplete adult personality was shaped in large part by the unexplained, not-visibly-mourned death of his younger sister, the prolonged and frequent absences of his father, and Dubya's inability to match GHWB's academic and professional accomplishments. As a young man, GWB's family's constant efforts to cover up his missteps stunted the incomplete development of an immature, quasi-adult who never accepts personal blame and rarely shoulders his own responsibilities. Dr. Frank is not without empathy for his subject, but he speaks bluntly from thirty years of psychoanalytic practice, and bolsters his arguments with the encyclopedic research of some of the world's most respected psychiatrists. Particularly germane to GWB's documented acts of psychopathology are the works of Melanie Klein, whose theories of childhood development, applied to GWB years after they were originally written, demonstrate forcefully how a clownish "child [became] the father of the man." One of the most worrisome aspects of GWB's personality is his refusal to involve himself with Alcoholics Anonymous. He will not admit to the label of "alcoholic," though for more than two decades of his life he himself has revealed that there were few days in which he did not drink, very frequently to excess. By his own admission, Dubya's love affair with the whiskey bottle forced Laura Bush to issue an ultimatum in the mid-1980s: Choose booze, or our marriage. Subsequently, GWB has claimed to adhere to a strict fundamentalist Christian worldview (though he reportedly does not attend church). His daily schedules allow generous breaks for exercise, naps, and time-outs at Camp David, Kennebunkport, and the Crawford, Texas, "windshield ranch" he purchased in 1999. GWB informed FOX News that he does not read anything, including newspapers, and The Washington Post reports that since taking office, 42 percent of his time has been spent on vacation. All of this rigid scheduling reportedly is intended to maintain GWB's self-proclaimed "sobriety" that many Americans continue to doubt. Dr. Frank asserts that only rarely do alcoholics become and remain sober without making a total, lifetime commitment to involvement in the frequent meetings, 12-Step precepts, and fellowship of Alcoholics Anonymous. Even if Mr. Bush abstains completely from alcohol, as he claims, he exhibits many of the worrisome, erratic, and grandiose personality characteristics of the so-called "dry drunk." For a "dry drunk" to serve as President terrifies not only Dr. Frank, but also millions of Americans like me who know firsthand in grisly detail about the self-delusion and damage wreaked by alcoholic family members on those around them. Medical professionals from all branches of health care agree that long-term, heavy drinking results in brain damage and memory loss. As a nation, we can only perform the "intervention" that Dr. Frank deems necessary by voting Mr. Bush out of office on November 2. The sadistic child who was fond of inserting firecrackers into frogs and blowing them to bits became the blase Texan who okayed more executions than any state governor in American history. My distrust of George W. Bush transcends partisan politics through my own hard-earned knowledge of how much damage can be wrought by alcoholic, sadistic, irrational parental behavior on a single family--much less upon a nation. In my opinion, Dr. Frank's blunt "diagnosis" of the well-connected individual anointed President in 2000 clearly demonstrates that Bush 43 was unfit to hold the nation's highest office in the first place. Read "Bush on the Couch" before dismissing it. However, if the reader gives this fine book the time and attention it deserves, it becomes glaringly obvious that what--whom--needs to be dismissed is George W. Bush. Finally, he may very well achieve a goal of equalling his dad: as a one-term President.
I find it interesting that most of the one star reviewers appear to be nothing more than political hacks who probably never read the book, and wouldn't understand it if they did. One of the more recent reviewers boiled it all down to partisan love/hate, and the other misspelled Psych 101 and called the author a psychiatrist. These reviews are good for laughs, but if you really want to understand the workings of a flawed mind, read this book and decide for yourself.
That sounds like impeachment to me. Bush is mentally unfit for office, according this medical diagnostician..... chilling.
2." but is shared by much of America, who has had a similar upbringing." Bob Kasprzak, a Liberal veteran who is going to vote to remove these criminals from the white house and lobby president Kerry to prosecute said criminals to the fullest extent of the law. ... Read more | |
| 44. I Love You, Ronnie: The Letters of Ronald Reagan to Nancy Reagan by NANCY REAGAN | |
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our price: $10.46 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0375760512 Catlog: Book (2002-02-26) Publisher: Random House Trade Paperbacks Sales Rank: 4711 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (60)
Many of the letters have been scanned from the original copies so you get a real taste of the time and the personality of Ronald Reagan. The letterhead is often from various places and penned in his own handwriting. These letters show his most private and personal feelings of loving his wife and just how much she meant to him. You also get some insight into his sense of humor and in his ability to love and express love. I was charmed by the feeling that he never took his position(s) in government life so seriously that he lost his true core and his true heart. At first I was a bit shocked that Nancy Reagan would share something so personal because that was not the impression I once had of her. I also wondered what was in it for her? Fame, she has, fortune? But I later learned the proceeds from this book will benefit the Alzeimers Foundation. Whatever her motivation this is a wonderful surprise of a book and a great way for her to share some really neat things about one of our ex-presidents.
More than half of the letters are from the period before Reagan entered politics. For several years, Reagan was the host of the General Electric Theatre and spent huge amounts of time travelling the country to promote the show. The letters from this period are particularly poignant. Thank you so much, Nancy Reagan, for sharing your treasures in this lovely book.
These letters reveal a man helplessly and deeply in love with all his heart. If this is corny or childish, so be it. The world would be a better place if relationships could be this strong. He says it over and over, "You are my life, you saved my soul." The President could wax poetic and plumb the depth of emotions, something few ever manage. The letters were not only loving and tender but also erudite, witty, colorful and quite original. (My favorites are those written in the same room or those in which he refers to himself in the third person.) This is perhaps one of the best personal portraits of an American President that exist. The letters range over a period of several years and contain some biographical data. Just to set the record straight, the proceeds from this book went to an Alzheimer's fund; the family received not one penny. ... Read more | |
| 45. John F. Kennedy : A Biography by Michael O'Brien | |
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| 46. Thomas Jefferson by R. B. Bernstein | |
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our price: $16.38 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0195169115 Catlog: Book (2003-08-01) Publisher: Oxford University Press Sales Rank: 5350 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (16)
Well written and very informative, this would be a great indroduction, or a great re-introduction, to Jefferson. From there you can try the many other Jefferson biographies (Dumas Malone's 6 Volume Set, etc..) or one of the many book that examine his character and/or certain events in his life (American Sphinx, Understanding Jefferson, Negro President, etc...). Highly Recommended!
* There was no way for me to cover everything in a book of this length, so an omission of a statement that Jefferson's work on the Virginia capitol was the introduction of classical forms of architecture to America is hardly an error or a fumble. * I grounded my interpretation of Napoleon's actions regarding the Louisiana Purchase on the work of Peter Onuf, Jon Kukla, Lawrence Kaplan, Roger Kennedy, and Alexander De Conde. Since my book appeared, the recent Monticello Monograph by James E. Lewis has appeared, and is in accord with the arguments already cited. If he disagrees with their -- and my -- interpetations, that is a disagreement, not a historical error. * On page 74, I wrote that Jefferson HELPED to move Madison from opposing a bill of rights to favoring it. I have noted the four reasons that Madison made this transition in my 1987 book ARE WE TO BE A NATION? THE MAKING OF THE CONSTITUTION and my 1993 book AMENDING AMERICA -- those including (i) Madison's pledge during ratification; (ii) his recognition that the Federalists' pledge to work for amendments was a necessary concession to popular opinion; (iii) his working out a solution -- embodied in the Ninth Amendment -- to his fear that a bill of rights might omit rights by failing to list them; and (iv) his having been influenced by Jefferson. I cited AMENDING AMERICA in JEFFERSON (210n118). No fair-minded reader would have drawn the conclusion that Mr. Dixon drew from that passage, or from the larger discussion on pages 72-74. * On page 137, I write that the Executive Mansion is "now known as the White House." "Now" in that passage means today, not in Jefferson's or Madison's presidency. Indeed, not till Theodore Roosevelt's presidency (1902 or 1903) did the Executive Mansion acquire its official name of the White House. No fair-inded reader would have misread the text as Mr. Dixon misread it. * On the Sally Hemings question, Mr. Dixon is unpersuaded and, I find from previous experience of his approach to this controversy, unpersuadable. One specific error that he made in misrepresenting my work: I note in my text at page 196 that the DNA study disproved the Woodson claim. His "reasoning" on Frasier Nieman's study -- which consists of dubbing it a "Monte Carlo" methodology, then claiming that another scholar using a similar "Monte Carlo" methodology failed miserably, with the implicit conclusion that Mr. Nieman's study is similarly a miserable failure -- is worthy of a place as an illustrative example in Jeremy Bentham's HANDBOOK OF POLITICAL FALLACIES. I respectfully but firmly request that Mr. Dixon withdraw his imputations against my book. I would have written to him privately, but I could not find a current, valid email address for him.
There are errors of fact which should have been caught by the readers Bernstein credits in his Acknowledgments: Eston Hemings was born in 1808, not 1809; the earliest references to the Presidents House as the White House was 1812, not at the time Jefferson moved into it; Sally Hemings never went to Ohio with her sons, but died in Charlottesville. It is disappointing to read the "proof" Bernstein, a law professor, accepts in the last chapter when he discusses whether Jefferson fathered children by Sally Hemings. Bernstein is one of the "believers" scattered throughout academia who have followed a pattern of making the test for paternity "could he have" rather than "did he." Two examples suffice. One, in his first term as president, the Federalist press accused Jefferson of fathering a son Tom with Hemings. A Woodson family had long claimed they are the descendants of this Tom. Although DNA tests destroyed this myth, Bernstein calls the family stories of other descendants of Sally Hemings "oral history" and insists they are "proof" of paternity. Two, Bernstein endorses a Monte Carlo simulation by an archeologist at Monticello on the "odds" that Jefferson was the cause of Hemings' conceptions. If this gibberish had any value Bernstein should take it to the racetrack. Recently, a professor at St. Joseph's University did a Monte Carlo simulation for the NCAA basketball tournament. In the round of sixteen, he got eight right. In short, not the "brilliant" biography praised on the back cover, but certainly a readable and thorough one. Just skip the last chapter.
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| 47. The Path to Power (The Years of Lyndon Johnson, Volume 1) by ROBERT A. CARO | |
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Book Description THE PATH TO POWER reveals in extraordinary detail the genesis of the superhuman drive, energy and urge to power that fueled LBJ. It is the first part of Caro's project and brings LBJ from childhood to Washington. Johnson showed political genius early on. His boyhood, filled with friendship and maneuver, set the stage for later moves. He consolidated power in powerful friendships and, in D.C., leveraged the loyalities of his youth. "Here as never before is Lyndon Johnson--his Texas, his Washington, his America--in a book by a Pulitzer Prize-winning author that brings us as close as we have ever been to a true perception of political genius and the American political process." (Publisher's Source) Reviews (62)
I enjoyed the book very much, staying up late into the night to read more, yet having now finished it I thought that - somewhat perversely perhaps - the book's weaknesses as a biography were its strengths as a more general work of historical analysis. Although the book is about Johnson, Caro doesn't restrain himself from letting his focus shift away from Johnson for long stretches: for example, the natural history and settlement of the Texas Hill Country are described in detail (fascinating to someone like me who knew next to nothing about these subjects); and the lives of other people who were important to Johnson are described in great detail (Sam Rayburn in particular). I was happy to follow Caro down these roads, as he wrote so compellingly - for example, the descriptions of women's lives in the Hill Country should destroy a few rural myths. Other historians would have abbreviated or summarised such descriptions to the absolute minimum necessary to add to the reader's understanding of the context of the subject's life, whilst maintaining the overall focus on the subject himself. Indeed, at times, Caro loses sight of Johnson completely, and the book becomes more of a general history. I felt that Caro made up his mind that Johnson was an utterly unscrupulous and amoral politician, totally devoted to the acquisition of power. The picture he paints of Johnson and of American democracy is unflattering - elections and politicians are there to be bought - money is everything. We're in a precursor stage to the "military-industrial complex". Even where Johnson did good, Caro's praise is brief (for example in his determination to force through the rural electrification program). I thought that there needed to be a better balance - surely there were issues other than money and gerrymandering that decided elections in the US? Or am I being naive? Also, if Johnson the man was such a hated person, why did he evoke such loyalty? It seems too dismissive to explain this by stating that other people were furthering their own self-interest through Johnson. I feel somewhat churlish at criticising a book I enjoyed so much, but I will read the next volume!
The key to the work is the way in which Caro is able to take a complex set of events and explain it in the context of a central theme. For example, Caro uses the building of the Marshall Ford dam to explain the urgency with which Herman Brown and Alvin Wirtz worked to get Johnson elected to the House. In short, the book is well-written, thorough, and smart. Caro adds the extra value we require of a historian -- that is, he doesn't merely retell events, he places them in a coherent context so that we can understand what made LBJ. In the end, the portrait is a complex but ultimately scary one of power sought for power's sake.
I'm a Texan, but a Republican, and I never particularly admired LBJ for his political decisions. However, he's a fascinating study in contemporary politics. Even if you hated Lyndon, he was the most masterful politician of the 20th Century. This book is a 24 karat gold winner. I've probably re-read it twenty times and each time I learn something else. The Washington Post called it "a book of radiant excellence". That is a gross understatement. This book transcends everthing I have ever read about American politics. It captures the true feelings, emotions, ambitions, and everything else about America in the middle of the 20th century. This is the most compelling book I have ever read. You have to read it too. Get it now. You'll love me and thank me later for recommending it.
I am always curious why smart people devote years obsessed with dead people, not to mention dead people from the past. It must be a man acting out their homo-erotic fantasies out of another man. Of course, LBJ was Texas roughneck, cowboy, and Robert Caro, the pencil-neck geek must find this guy attractive. LBJ died in 1973 from a Heart Attack. He got kick out after one term in office, the Vietnam War was a diaster. The welfare state left us with billions in debt. All this can be debated in academic circles. But why devote four books to a man dead since 1973. Robert Caro, please get a life, a real job. All humans born, live and then die. The USA life expectancy is about 72. We can debate politics and so on. LBJ has been dead for 31 years. Weak males tend to be attracted to strong, dominating males and that explains why Robert Caro is devoting three books to a dead man.
This book exceeded my expectations and turned out to be a gripping read. Caro gives his reader story, character, and research. The length of this book is its strength because he gives the reader so much context for the events. Before talking about how LBJ brought electric power to his impoverished home district for example, Caro breaks away for a 14 page illumination of the realities of day to day to living without electricity entitled "The Sad Irons". Where many other biographers make their subject the sole focus, Caro generously supplies his reader with the details that make you empathize for the characters he portrays. In that sense, I put this book almost up there with Richard Kluger's "Simple Justice" for its ability to create vibrant vivid history. Caro does see LBJ in a somewhat negative light, although he tries to temper his criticism with understanding of why he became the way he is. Caro respects the political genius of Johnson in his admiration for Johnson's work ethic and drive during the 1937 campaign for Congress. He also admires how LBJ did take pride and gain satisfaction for the individual voters that he presented and the benefits he won for them as a Congressman. Yet I expect a Macbeth as I read Caro's later volumes. Caro disapproves of Lyndon's unwillingness to take a stand and reveals how the Lyndon Johnson succeeded in part because he was a "professonal son" exceedingly capable of earning the good graces of those with the power to help him be they Sam Rayburn, President Roosevelt, or even the college president as he struggled to earn tuition. So many episodes in this book will linger. I almost wish LBJ had been an anonymous teacher after hearing how successful he was in the two positions he held early on in his career. The power that he earned through his stint as unofficial Congressional campaign manager is amazing as is his ability to balance New Deal rhetoric with conservative financial backing. Besides LBJ you gain the story of his rural district, a lesser know side of the New Deal, the beginnings of the awesome power of Texas Oil and understanding of democratic politics. I could go on so much, but all I can say is if you are at all interested in LBJ this book will be worth the effort. 5 stars! --SD ... Read more | |
| 48. George Washington : Writings (Library of America) by George Washington, John H. Rhodehamel | |
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our price: $26.40 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 188301123X Catlog: Book (1997-02-01) Publisher: Library of America Sales Rank: 108837 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (2)
Whether Washington the man can be reclaimed from Washington the statue is a task left up to biographers and fiction writers, because after thumbing through this collection of his writings, it is with some certainty that the man from Mount Vernon can't do it himself. Once gets the impression that Washington was a man who believed in duty, to himself as an eighteenth-century man of means, and to his country, whether it be England (for whom he participated on several expeditions against the French in Pennsylvania), or his newly created United States. The man who, in 1755, volunteered to join the British commander in chief, General Edward Braddock, on what became a disasterous expedition into western Pennsylvania, became by 1775 the man who would write to his wife announcing his appointment to head the rebel army, that, "I have used every endeavour in my power to avoid it [command]." Even his ascention to the presidency was performed in very reluctant steps. In a letter to Henry Knox, he wrote, "I can assure you . . . that my movements to the chair of Government will be accompanied with feelings not unlike those of a culprit who is going to the place of his execution." So why serve? "It was utterly out of my power to refuse this appointment without exposing my Character to such censures as would have reflected dishonour upon myself, and given pain to my friends," he wrote Martha Washington. Perhaps an early clue to his character can be found in the first entry, a collection of 100 maxims he composed when he was 15, rules for living which range from the practical ("Put not your meat to your Mouth with your Knife in your hand neither Spit forth the Stones of any fruit Pye upon a Dish nor Cast anything under the table"), to the inspirational ("Let your Recreations be Manfull not Sinfull"), and even a bit of the poetic ("Labour to keep alive in your Breast that Little Spark of Celestial fire Called Conscience"). Sober, practical, firm-minded, George Washington was not a man to inspire devotion through force of personality, only through a far-sighted competence which does not make for glorious history, but to those who cherish the ideals and promise of America, one can be thankful that he was in the right place at the right time.
-- Richard B. Bernstein, Adjunct Professor of Law, New York Law School; Daniel M. Lyons Visiting Professor in American History, Brooklyn College/CUNY; Book Review Editor for Constitutional Books, H-LAW; and Senior Research Fellow, Council on Citizenship Education, Russell Sage College ... Read more | |
| 49. The Power Broker : Robert Moses and the Fall of New York by ROBERT A. CARO | |
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our price: $15.36 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0394720245 Catlog: Book (1975-07-12) Publisher: Vintage Sales Rank: 4033 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (74)
At 1,162 pages, Caro's work will undoubtedly always face the charge that it needed editing. But to address large themes, a writer needs to expand, and Caro does, brilliantly for the most part. "The Power Broker" takes on the question of whether democracy in America really works. Using Moses' life as a model, the answer is "no." Moses began as a passionate believer in reform, a man who wanted to end favoritism and corruption in New York. Yet early on he concluded that to "get things done," he needed to beat the power-wielders at their own game, and he did. He built an enormous network of influence that included politicians, unions, banks and big business. And he used that power to build the most enormous transportation system in the nation, often over the objections of elected officials. But the book also makes clear the cost of power. For one thing, there were political losers. Moses was ruthless in his attacks on those who opposed him, often lowering himself to attacking character. Mass transportation was a loser during the time Moses wielded power. He considered the automobile the premier mode of transportation, and he steadfastly refused to accommodate plans for subway, bus, and train improvements. And the poor and working class were losers in Moses' power game. He had no respect for the poor, particularly those with dark skin, and he ruthlessly destroyed their neighborhoods in his grand building schemes. In the end, we have all lost because of Moses' vision. His idea that we can solve transportation problems by building more and more roads, bridges and infrastructure to accommodate commuters who live farther and farther from the places they work has carried the day, and those of us who live in medium-sized and big cities continue to suffer for it with every minute we lose in traffic. Tremendous book -- grand in its vision, grand in its documentation, grand in its achievement.
This massive work is at the same time a biography of Robert Moses and the metropolitan New York City area. Moses, originally a reformer and a true public servant, somehow became tainted by the power entrusted to him. It was his way or no way -- and once he became firmly entrenched there was no "no way." A typical Moses tactic: design a great public work (bridge, for example) and underestimate the budget. A bargain sure to be approved and funded by the politicians! Then run out of money halfway through construction. The rest of the money will surely be forthcoming because no politician wants to be associated with a half-finished and very visibile "failure" -- it's much better to take credit for an "against the odds" success. I grew up in NYC at the tail end of Moses' influence and I remember the 1964 Worlds Fair in NYC vividly, especially a "guidebook" that lionized Moses' construction prowess. In school, Moses' contribution was also taught (always positively) when we had units covering NYC history. If nothing else, Moses understood the power of good publicity, and used tactics later adopted by the current mayor (King Rudy) to control the press and public opinion. This book brings Moses back to human scale and deconstructs (no pun intended) his impact on the city. The book is long, detailed, and compelling. Great beach reading -- especially at Jones Beach! Now that it is celebrating its 25th anniversary, a new retrospective afterword from the author would be appreciated (perhaps a reprint of the article he wrote for the New Yorker a few years ago on how he wrote the book). An interesting counterpoint to this biography of Moses is The Great Bridge by David McCollough. This story of a great public works project is also a biography of the Roeblings, the family of engineers who designed and built it. They shared Moses' singlemindedness, but the methods and results had far less negative results.
In the early years, as Caro rightly points out, Robert Moses' vision helped the city out of its doldrums of the Great Depression. He offered hope and a future when the present seemed so doubtful. At what point did Moses shift from a true visionary to a ruthless, megalomaniacal autocrat? To a neighborhood-squashing tyrant without conscience? There is no one event or series of events to explain this change, and Caro wisely avoids claiming there is. That is not his concern, anyway. What Caro does map out are the paths of destruction that Moses gouged through the metropolitan area. The interviews and extended quotations are very revealing, almost chilling. Moses's sang froid about New Yorkers--and how he cultivated it for half a century--defies reason. Yet this book, "The Power Broker" is as close to an understanding of Robert Moses as we'll ever get.
Robert Moses, a man of considerable intellectual capacity and enormous energy, demonstrates also an insatiable appetite for political power. His flaw is his fundamental dislike for the people he serves. The type of power he seeks is not that based in electoral competition and consent of the governed but that of bureaucratic power in the service of the most powerful segments of society. Having once attained power, he employs all of the tools at his disposal to become the indispensable man, repeatedly challenging his politically elected, nominal bosses to fire him. His ability to continue in office through repeated changes in leadership is a testament to his tenacity and ruthlessness. He then uses the appointed positions he has attained to acquire others. One of his early positions is as an aide to Al Smith in the New York Legislature. Here he learns to write laws and, using his considerable talents masters the arcane art of drafting legislation. This serves him well in later years as he cajoles and bullies legislators to create special districts, which have as the head of the district whoever is currently the head of the Long Island State Parks Commission. Who might that be? You guessed it. His power continues to grow through the century and his influence on the growth of New York is inescapable. That he may have done a lot of good is a question open for debate. Are the results of an undemocratic and in many ways authoritarian process good? Do the ends justify the means? He may have been able to "get the job done" and "he made the vaunted bureaucracy of city hall bend to his wishes" but he did so in highly disagreeable and bullying way. It is also a testament to his personality that Robert Moses continually went out of his way to sabotage the career of his brother and to the day he died, his only brother hated him. It is only when he runs up against Nelson Rockefeller that he meets his match. Here Moses has an adversary with equally developed ego and with enormous resources to take him on. Indeed, the bonded funding for much of Moses' projects came from the Rockefeller controlled Chase Manhattan Bank. It is this leverage that Rockefeller use to finally push Moses out of power. An incredibly well written book. Highly detailed and long with a densely layered structure.. This is one long book that I did not want to end. John C. McKee
Although this book is over 1300 pages, Caro does an extraordinary job chronicling the life of Robert Moses. This book is a real page turner and you can't help but be inspired and repulsed by what Robert Moses did. This book's main flaw is its relentlessly negative view of Robert Moses. It is true that Moses permanently altered the relationship between New York City and the suburbs. He destroyed vital neighborhoods and undermined the stability of surrounding areas. However, it is a mistake to say (as Caro does) that Moses was the sole cause of what happened afterwards. Suburbanization (and urban renewal, but that's another topic!) after the Second World War was encouraged by all levels of government. To put it another way, if Moses hadn't built the highways (and cleared the "slums"), someone else would have. In reality, the long-term stability of American cities was undermined by VA mortgages (often cheaper than renting), red lining, cheap oil and the interstate highways. Common wisdom says that the race riots "caused" suburbanization. The truth is that suburbanization was already far advanced in 1965; the riots merely sped up the process. Incidentally, 1965 was the year of the Watts riots, the first major urban disturbance in the 1960s. Despite the anti-Moses bias of this book, I'm still giving it four stars because it is such a good read! For a more detailed examination of New York's problems in the late 20th Century, I suggest "Geography of Nowhere" by James Howard Kunstler, "The Ungovernable City" by Vincent Cannato, "The Assassination of New York" by Robert Fitch, and the 1961 classic "The Life and Death of American Cities" by Jane Jacobs. ... Read more | |
| 50. Ulysses S. Grant (The American Presidents) by Arthur M. Schlesinger, Josiah Bunting | |
![]() | list price: $20.00
our price: $13.60 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0805069496 Catlog: Book (2004-09-08) Publisher: Times Books Sales Rank: 1870 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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| 51. Flawed Giant: Lyndon B. Johnson, 1960-1973 by Robert Dallek | |
![]() | list price: $40.00
(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0195054652 Catlog: Book (1998-04-01) Publisher: Oxford University Press Sales Rank: 153890 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Amazon.com Dallek is skilled at laying bare the man's complicated and evencontradictory nature. At diplomacy, Johnson often seemed like a loud,brash American, yet successful trips to Southeast Asia and Africa asvice president prove his occasional adroitness in this area. One ofJohnson's Achilles' heels, it seems, was paranoia; a firm believer inthe fact that knowledge is power, Johnson rarely communicated his trueintentions or feelings, even to his closest confidants or cabinetmembers, until the last. And he secretly tape-recorded thousands ofconversations with people at all levels of government. Dallek aversthat Johnson's impenetrability is the reason why much of his action onVietnam defies explanation. And the dark cloud of the war now largelyobfuscates Johnson's impressive congressional record. Careful toneither vilify nor deify his subject, Dallek devotes large sections ofthe book to both Vietnam and Johnson's major accomplishments in thearea of reform and funding for programs such as civil rights, Medicare,clean air and water, the NEA, public broadcasting, and food stamps. This engrossing biography is peppered throughout with snippets of its subject's trademark: colorfully idiomatic speech that brings himvibrantly to life. Based upon exclusive interviews with Lady BirdJohnson and Bill Moyers, as well as recently released papers andtranscripts, Dallek's biography is a major contribution to thecollective understanding of this man whose passions had a major impacton American society. Reviews (8)
Like other reviewers, I only wish there had been greater coverage of Johnson's Vice-Presidential years. I've never read any detailed history of this period in Johnson's life, other than the feuding with the Kennedy clan. There's probably a book here for someone willing to spend the time and effort. Dallek's writing is much more balanced than the books by Caro, and I think history will prove them of greater value.
Dallek does a very good job of showing both the positives and the negatives of a man who he demonstrates clearly deserves the title of the book. Johnson is unquestionably a giant of American history; his domestic accomplishments, most notably pushing the Civil Rights Act through congress (something that few other men could have accomplished in the same position, given that Johnson had more influence with southern politicians who were inclined to oppose the act than most liberal democrats at the time) are certainly undeniable. Yet his flaws were spectacular too, notably his handling of the Vietnam war; it isn't just that he escalated the war from a minor, we-had-a-few-advisors-over-there situation to a situation in which thousands of Americans were dying; it isn't just that he refused to pull out when it became apparent that we weren't going to win the war anytime soon, and that Americans by and large didn't support the cost in lives of staying the course. It's that he lied repeatedly about our prospects there in order to build support for something that he knew perfectly well people wouldn't support if they knew the truth, and that he became downright paranoid on the subject, considering anyone who disagreed with him on it to be a "commie dupe" and a "traitor". It's that he subtly undercut the presidential campaign of Hubert Humphrey, his own vice-president and the man most likely to continue his domestic policies, in favor of Richard Nixon, because Nixon's stance on Vietnam seemed more in keeping with his own. Dallek does an excellent job of detailing all of this, and having read this book, I am both more aware of the good Johnson did, and more aware of the reasons why, prior to reading this book, I did not credit his presidency for that good; all I knew prior to reading this book was the negative side of the story, and not even all of that. ... Read more | |
| 52. Grace and Power : The Private World of the Kennedy White House by SALLY BEDELL SMITH | |
![]() | list price: $29.95
our price: $17.97 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0375504494 Catlog: Book (2004-05-04) Publisher: Random House Sales Rank: 3050 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (13)
You feel like you are right there in the Washington DC of the early 1960s, and what a very different DC it was! The Kennedys liked to work hard and play hard, and Bedell Smith shows the rivalries, friendships and goings-on of the Kennedy's inner circle. This is truly the first book to make Jack and Jackie human, and Bedell Smith does a wonderful job of telling both the political and social sides of the First Couple. I read the Vanity Fair excerpt and there is indeed new material here: Jackie's intimate conversations about her marriage with Dr. Frank Finnerty, her secret therapist who helped her improve her relationship with her husband; one of JFK's lovers who speaks for the first time about their two-year affair; and most importantly, details of JFK's last days and the aftermath of the assassination from the sealde (for 40 years!) papers of historian William Manchester, who authored DEATH OF A PRESIDENT. A historical, serious and fascinating retelling of the Camelot years.
The book is full of fascinating historical dichotomies; for example, it shows how the administration would deal with war with Russia over Cuba during the day, and then party at night. (One must maintain one's standards, even in the face of nuclear annihilation.) The reader also gets a real sense of tremendous responsibilities and burdens that go with living in the White House. To digress a bit, what I really got from this book was a reminder of what politics in the USA used to be like, when politicians were more interested in doing what was best for the country, before the citizens of all political persuasions allowed it to become so bitterly and unproductively polarized. There used to be dialog between the political parties instead of ranting; there used to be pragmatic compromises and solutions instead of unyielding positions; and there used to be respect for the concept that reasonable minds can differ. Camelot, indeed. That reminder alone makes this a worthwhile read. | |