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| 121. The Raising of a President : The Mothers and Fathers of Our Nation's Leaders by Doug Wead | |
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our price: $17.16 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0743497260 Catlog: Book (2005-01-04) Publisher: Atria Sales Rank: 136097 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description What are the family circumstances that have created our presidents? How did their upbring-ing shape their future and ours? New York Times bestselling author Doug Wead answers these questions in one of the most comprehensive studies of presidential families to date. When one thinks about the leadership qualities of George Washington and Theodore Roosevelt or the intellectual prowess of John Adams and Abraham Lincoln, it is hard to imagine them as children. It is even more difficult to envision the parents of our leaders, especially the larger-than-life idols of our political past. Our greatest presidents have entered the Oval Office armed with overwhelming ambition, intellect, and political savvy. But were these characteristics evident in childhood? The Raising of a President is a groundbreaking look at the parents of the American presidents, full of never-before-seen facts and anecdotes, as well as psychological profiles based on Wead's findings. He analyzes the types of families into which our presidents were born, and sheds a fascinating light on how their destinies were shaped during childhood. Using countless presidential correspondences and letters, as well as notes from hours of his own private conversations and interviews with six presidents and first ladies, Wead focuses specifically on the early life of our first president, George Washington; John Adams, John Quincy Adams, and the making of our nation's first political empire; the humble beginnings of our greatest president, Abraham Lincoln; the privileged upbringing of Franklin Delano Roosevelt; the ambitious rise of John Fitzgerald Kennedy; and the "quiet dynasty" led by George H. W. Bush and his son, George W. Bush. Throughout The Raising of a President, readers will find that the circumstances and events that would destroy most children were often the very things that sparked greatness in our nation's future leaders. These are the stories of the presidents' parents, but in a truer sense, they are the stories of the presidents themselves, from a perspective that is long overdue. Reviews (44)
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| 122. King Zog of Albania: Europe's Self-Made Muslim Monarch by Jason Tomes | |
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our price: $30.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0814782833 Catlog: Book (2004-02-01) Publisher: New York Univ Pr Sales Rank: 95480 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description
Shortly before 5 p.m. on Saturday, September 1, 1928, Europe gained a new kingdom and its only Muslim king: 32-year-old Zog I of the Albanians. Few foreign journalists were present in the Parliament House in Tirana to hear him swear his oath on the Koran and the Bible, yet the birth of the Kingdom of Albaniaa native monarchy, not an alien impositiondid not go unnoticed abroad. King Zog (18951961) was a curiosity, and so he has remained: the most atypical European monarch of the twentieth century, a man entirely without royal connections who created his own kingdom. By contemporaries, he was variously labeled "the last ruler of romance," "an appalling gangster," "the modern Napoleon," "the finest patriot," and "frankly a cad." Even today his reputation is disputed, but Zog is undeniably one of the foremost figures in Albanian history. Though notorious for cut-throat political intrigue, he promised to bring order and progress to a land that had long known little of either. "It was I who made Albania," he claimed. Zog's reign ended in 1939; Italian Fascists forced him into exile and post-war Stalinists kept him there despite his best efforts to return. In this first full biography, Jason Tomes explores the reality behind the man described in The Times as "the bizarre King Zog" and shows him to have been the product of a unique time and place. Tomes invites readers to set aside their assumptions about modern European monarchy and meet a king who fired back at assassins and paid his bills with gold bullion. ... Read more | |
| 123. Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President (Library of Religious Biography) by Allen C. Guelzo | |
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our price: $16.32 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0802842933 Catlog: Book (2003-04-01) Publisher: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company Sales Rank: 141671 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description The first "intellectual biography" of Lincoln, this work explores the role of ideas in Lincoln's life, treating him as a serious thinker deeply involved in the nineteenth-century debates over politics, religion, and culture. Written with passion and dramatic impact, Guelzo's masterful study offers a revealing new perspective on a man whose life was in many ways a paradox. As journalist Richard N. Ostling notes, "Much has been written about Lincoln's belief and disbelief," but Guelzo's extraordinary account "goes deeper." Reviews (19)
In his "Abraham Lincoln, Redeemer President" Allen Guelzo points out these two approaches to Lincoln studies (p.472) and says that his book is an attempt to combine the personal and public approaches to Lincoln. Professor Guelzo, Dean of Templeton Honors Colledge and Professor of History at Eastern Universtiy, writes a primarily intellectual biography; but he tries to explore the degree to which Lincoln's thought formed his political actions. Professor Guelzo devotes a great deal of attention to establishing Lincoln's political identity as a whig -- an admirer of both Henry Clay and Daniel Webster. From his early days in public life, Lincoln was interested in promoting economic opportunity by encouraging the free market. He supported ambitious programs of public works and public education, to develop transportation infrastructure, (canals, roads, and railroads) and to promote the growth of industry and of a middle class. The whig approach emphasized public virtue, public morality, the value of hard work, and a unified United States. Guelzo effectively contrasts Lincoln's Whiggish beliefs with the agrarian beliefs of the Jefferson-Jacksonian democrats with their commitment to a nation of agrarian, self-sufficient yeomen and farmers. (Lincoln's father was such a yeoman, and Lincoln wanted none of it for himself.) Professor Guelzo traces the beginnings of Lincoln's opposition to the expansion of slavery, in the early 1850's. to his desire to promote the development of upwardly mobile capitalist workers. He tended to see agrarianism as slavery slightly disguised. Lincoln never lost his whig commitments, according to Professor Guelzo, even after the party disbanded and Lincoln became a leader of the Republican party. Professor Guelzo also studies the nature of Lincoln's religious beliefs and the importance Lincoln gave to religous questions. As is the case with Lincoln's economic rebellion against his father, Professor Guelzo finds the beginnings of Lincoln's religious thought in a youthful rebellion against the Calvinism and predestinarian beliefs of his father. Lincoln found he could not believe in the revealed God of the Bible, although he knew the Bible well. He could not accept the doctrine of predestination, but he came close to it in a secular way. During most of his life, Lincoln was a determinist who believed that people had little independent choice in what they did but acted in response to outside factors which they did not control. According to Professor Guelzo, Lincoln also tended towards the englightenment of John Locke and towards the utilitarianism of Mill and Bentham. His politics and Presidency, of course, have distincly pragmatic characters. Throughout his life, Lincoln remained outside the fold of organized religion. According to Professor Guelzo, Lincoln's thought developed as Lincoln confronted at deepening levels the difficulty of the Civil War. The beginning of this development was the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas debates where Lincoln vigourously attacked the morality of holding slaves. Lincoln's thoughts on providence, for Professor Guelzo, were instrumental in Lincoln's decision to issue the Emancipation Proclamation. Lincoln told his cabinet he had made a promise "to his maker" to issue the Proclamation and that he could not do otherwise. (pp 341-42.) Guelzo continues his treatment of providential themes in Lincoln with his discussion of the Gettysburg Address and the Second Inaugural Address. There is also a great deal in the book that discusses Lincoln's handling of the War, the border states, his generals, and the Army. Professor Guelzo's intellectual and religous themes sometimes get lost in these discussions, and we are reminded that Lincoln was a pragmatist, a leader and a consummate politician. The picture of Lincoln's religiosity that emerges from Professor Guelzo's study has a distinctly modern flavor. (Professor Guelzo sees it as high Victorian.) Lincoln was a person who sought religous belief but could not find his way to an organized religion of his day. He was not, in his mid and late life, content simply with materialism and skepticism but rather developed his own religious thought based upon a rather loosely defined notion of providence and redemption. As personal as his thought was, it helped shape our nation. Lincoln's life, as Professor Guelzo presents it, seems to be a paradigm of many people today who reject organized religion in favor of a search for what many call spirituality. On a political level, Guelzo's account of Lincoln stresses that the United States is and has become a unified Nation and that Americans should see themselves, for all their diversity and differences as part of a unified people. I also see the book as a reminder of the value of hard work and economic effort. Professor Guelzo has written a thoughtful, provocative study of Lincoln the man, the thinker, and the President.
This was one of the most enjoyable biographies I have read on Lincoln. One might begin with Oates' With Malice Toward None for Lincoln's life as a great story. Then go to Donald's Lincoln for a more modern biography -- lots and lots of facts, but with little attempt to see Lincoln as a product of his own time. Both are very well written, but I prefer Guelzo's over either of them. If you like Guelzo's book on Lincoln's thought, you'll like A New Birth of Freedom by Harry V. Jaffa, which Guelzo calls "the greatest book on Lincoln's politics for another generation."
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| 124. Ho Chi Minh : A Life by William J Duiker | |
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Book Description Ho Chi Minh's epic life helped shape the twentieth century. But never before has he been the subject of a major biography. Now William Duiker has compiled an astonishing work of history that fills this immense void. A New York Times Notable Book and one of the Los Angeles Times Best Books of 2000 -- now in paperback! Reviews (19)
The biography beautifully melds historical gaps with hard facts. Anyone who was ever presented with such a dilemma would truly appreciate the genius with which the author was able to craft Ho Chi Minh's character and personality. Simply outstanding. Duiker does not deceive the reader into believing that his biography will answer all questions, but it does indeed illuminate one's understanding of how Ho Chi Minh operated and perhaps how he would have acted under different circumstances. A mysterious person becomes less mysterious, albeit not completely understood. As readers, we can't help but be grateful for the opportunity to learn and benefit from 30 years of research. So impressive was Dr. Duiker's biography that we at Sonshi.com asked the author for an interview. He was open to any and all questions about Vietnam and Ho Chi Minh. From our experience, this is a mark of a true expert, someone who is on top of his or her field of study. Anyone who would like to learn more about Vietnam or Ho Chi Minh will certainly benefit from Duiker. In fact, anyone who is interested in how the 20th century was shaped should read this book, for Ho Chi Minh's influence was not relegated to only Indochina, but it was felt in the top industrialized nations as well. We highly recommend William Duiker's Ho Chi Minh: A Life.
Remarkably, when Ho died, he was the only Vietnamese, whom most people in the world who knew anything about the southeast Asian country, could (and can) still identify. Not that his family was not famous in his central Vietnamese district, or that his performance at school was not excellent, but Ho spent most of his life in hiding, fleeing, using an alias, or in prison. He never ceased, though, being a nationalist, which is why Duiker does not call him an unprincipled opportunist, like some of Ho's enemies described him. At the end of the life, Ho told a young Party member, that he had become a Communist because the Communist party had earned his loyalty, unlike the French or other capitalists. On board a ship for Marseilles in 1911, he glimpsed images of privation and brutality in the colonial ports at which the vessel docked. Ho did not need to learn Lenin's theories, because he saw the proof before he had even read them. Later, when the Soviets welcomed him and schooled him, he repaid them by becoming a student of Lenin. But Ho never followed Lenin's theories consistently, nor did he always obey Stalin's or Mao's frequent dogmatic shifts. At every point of his life, there was always some hack willing to accuse him of some unorthodox idea or action. Ho, however, had his charm and energy to impress the doubtful. Whrever he went, Paris or Hanoi, he always seemed an attractive and uniquely intelligent person. Beneath whatever mask Ho was wearing, there was a self-conscious man whose only mission began and ended with Vietnamese nationhood. Ho knew many people in his lifetime, and he requested help from many governments in the name of his cause. Duiker spends some time and arguments about Ho's relationship with the United States. He dismisses those who argue, that if Washington had cultivated a better relationship with Ho, two decades of war would have been averted. He downplays Ho's influence, which waned greatly in the 1960s. But he then talks about Ho's loyalty to the Communists for giving him a forum for his cause. He misses a deeper point, that Ho, and his contemporaries and younger colleagues, probably shared this sense of loyalty, if not so consciously and articulately. The answer to the question of how these Vietnamese revolutionaries once emulated American ideals enough to draft a Declaration of Independence in 1945, but then fought a long, bitter war against the United States, is one of lost opportunities and misunderstandings. And, Duiker really does not answer that question, because he is too busy following Ho around the world. Duiker's Ho Chi Minh: A Life is very detailed and versatile. There are more insights into Vietnamese and Chinese culture, France during the inter-war years, Soviet Russia, and a lifetime of international party politics and diplomacy to keep me busy in dozens of follow-on books. But at times Ho just disappears from the narrative, or is plotting some maneuver while he lets the character take center stage. One can fully appreciate Ho's versatility and endurance, but most of what Duiker gives us is offical history. There are still gaps in the history, filled only with competing propaganda narratives. Like Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh is elusive.
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| 125. John Adams: The American Presidents Series by John Patrick Diggins, Arthur M. Schlesinger | |
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| 126. Roosevelt: Soldier of Freedom 1940-1945 by James MacGregor Burns | |
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our price: $15.64 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0156027577 Catlog: Book (2002-12-01) Publisher: Harvest/HBJ Book Sales Rank: 285014 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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General readers interested in Franklin Roosevelt might be better off reading Black's "Champion of Freedom" or Friedel's "Rendezvous with Destiny." However, World War II enthusiasts and Roosevelt scholars consider this book essential.
FDR's dedication to the well-being of the United States in WWII is evidenced by the fact that to start with, he didn't want a third term in office come 1940. Indeed, such aspirations were frowned upon in the political community. It did not stop him; as he saw it, it was his duty and obligation to the American people to keep familiar leadership in time of international turmoil. Other obstacles: struggles to arm allies, constant planning and meeting with allied leaders, and gradual, failing health. Burns also shows FDR's political savvy, using the utilization for war to the nation's advantage. Many unemployed workers were put back to work, which helped shift American industry into an overdrive that didn't stop for decades. Vision: as a disciple of Woodrow Wilson, he had a vision of a United Nations. One that he did not live to see. For anyone reading about FDR, or World War II, this companion volume on his war administration is a must for anyone's collection, as it has become in mine. ... Read more | |
| 127. John Adams: A Life by John Ferling, John Ferling | |
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our price: $20.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0805045767 Catlog: Book (1996-06-01) Publisher: Owl Books (NY) Sales Rank: 162525 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (30)
My only quibble with this book is that the editing, at least in the edition that I have, is rather poor. There are numerous errors in grammatical structure and word choice, the kind of errors that I have become accustomed to in mass market paperbacks but refuse to accept in a scholarly historical work. Things like "he requested that the Congress name his successor be named in his place" and "...the British ... was ready" and "the New England sates" (rather than "States") and "the House of Representative" (even back then, there was more than one representative in the House) and "the dreary weather proved not be a herald of the months ahead" and many others. I understand that mistakes happen, and don't demand perfection. But there are just too many of this kind of error in this book for me to say that it is well-written; probably two dozen, if I had to guess. Overall, this is a worthwhile biography of a fascinating president. Hopefully, future editions will clean up the writing a bit more.
But the bulk of this biography charts the many roles that Adams played -- lawyer, delegate, ambassador, author, Vice-President and President -- and in each role, his decisions seemed to come down on the side of what he thought was right, no matter the personal consequences. His life was courageously lived, and he remains a titan in American history.
Adams, known at the 'Atlas of Independence,' is less well known than Washington, Jefferson and Franklin, his Revolutionary contemporaries. He is also less revered. Ferling spends several hundred pages laying out the life and achievements of a man who was also crucial to our fight for independence and the survival of our Republic. Adams was a prodigious diary keeper, and also a mostly honest one, if we are to judge honesty by self criticism and the ability to write about one's own perceived short-comings. This first-person material is a tremendous asset to compiling the President's life story, and one that Ferling puts to good use. The book uses ample quotes to reveal Adam's feelings about personalities and events of his day. Ferling has studied the diaries thoroughly, as shown by his ability to draw on portions from different times in Adam's life to illustrate points or show how Adams changed his views over time. The danger with such a diary based biography is that the diaries can become the book. Ferling does not make this mistake. His ample writing skills utilizes the diaries to illustrate his story and argue his interpretations of his subject's life and actions. Also useful to the author is that Adams enjoyed a fascinating life. He touched all the great (and not so great) Revolutionary personalities, served for years as a foreign diplomat, was present at the birth of our Government and served as president. Also remarkable, was his relationship with Abigail, an unusual colonial wife who was educated, opinionated and enjoyed a marriage as very nearly an equal partner (highly unusual in those days). Their correspondence and relationship sustained Adams and show how she helped ground this great man of American nationhood. How does Ferling judge Adams? His assessment is that Adams belongs among the greats of the American founding. This book's thorough telling of Adams's public life to make a pretty good case for Ferlings argument. There are many fascinating aspects I found in the story. Adams tremendous dislike of Franklin is telling as to their different styles as well as Adams's thirst for approbation. His long and difficult relationship with Jefferson, culminating in their famous correspondence is another gem. Also interesting, is Adams's actions during his presidency when he stood alone against his party and long term political interests in keeping us out of war with France. It was a crucial decision that perhaps saved our Republic, given the potential for the European powers to divvy up a weak America should they have decided to play their rivalries here. Adams lived a fascinating life and was a thoroughly interesting personality. Kudos to Ferling for bringing the story to a new generation. ... Read more | |
| 128. Inside Putin's Russia by Andrew Jack, Oxford University Press | |
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| 129. The Uncommon Wisdom of John F. Kennedy : A Portrait in His Own Words by JOHN F. KENNEDY | |
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our price: $16.47 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1590710150 Catlog: Book (2003-10-28) Publisher: Rugged Land Sales Rank: 76227 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Reviews (1)
In the end, the film of him playing with his son just tears your heart out. The DVD is worth it alone. ... Read more | |
| 130. FDR : The War President, 1940-1943: A History by KENNETH S. DAVIS | |
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Amazon.com Reviews (8)
Ignore Michael Lind's NY Times review -- except to get a taste of the reactionary manifesto FDR was up against; he simply trashes Davis's liberalism with a neo-con, op-ed spin piece on commies and big business, and concludes the book to be historical fiction. And why the accusation of "calumny" when Davis posits psychology as one of several possible explanations for FDR's inaction to the final solution? Only last year did we learn of John McCloy's discussion with an irate President about bombing Auschwitz ("Why, the idea! I won't have anything to do with it. We'll be accused of participating in this horrible business."), which was insight kept secret for forty years. With such precious little information about the motives of an aging, instinctive President who was always reluctant to espouse the ideological over the pragmatic, why is it unethical to suppose that he "may" have felt the politics of rescue to be personally overwhelming? Don't let one review deter you from a great history and a great story. From the Grand Alliance to Pearl Harbor to Casablanca and the Darlan Deal, the book presents a magnificent frieze. I give it four stars only because, alas, it ends prematurely.
1. FDR was clearly deceptive in his 1940 Campaign. He promised American mothers that he would keep us out of the War but he was already anxious to get us into the European War. 2. FDR sold out most of his liberal principles in fighting the War. For instance, he placed industrialists in top positions, he put republicans in the cabinet, looked the other way when large firms ignored labor laws during the war, refused to embrace Henry Wallace's "Century of the Common Man." etc. Worst of all, large firms made money on their contracts! There is a long list 3. There was much more tension between Americans and English than I realized. As far as military strategy, the Americans wanted to attack the Germans directly, ASAP, whereas the English 4. FDR thought he could charm Stalin, "uncle joe." What a colossal miscalculation of Stalin's character. 5. FDR did not worry much about civil liberties, authorizing the "evacuation" of the West Coast Japanese, letting the FBI run rampant with wire-tapping, etc. 6. FDR was an unprincipled man, devious, back-stabbing, disloyal to people who had backed him for decades, such as Hillman, and Farley. Davis claims FDR could turn his emotions on and off to serve practical requirements. He could not be trusted. 7. And the final, greatest sin; FDR knew much about the Holocaust by 1942 and he refused to shout it from the rooftops. Somehow, Davis is willing to look past all these sins to As for Davis, his absolute hatred for capitalism and big business is reiterated on every other page. He also puts forth All in all, it made me curious to read more about FDR.
Davis, a skeptical admirer of the elusive FDR, has axes to grind. It is a pet thesis of his throughout the biography that humankind's technical wizardry has run far ahead of his social skills and that the result has been disaster. Humanity creates weaponry (e.g. nuclear weapons), the destructive potential of which exceed its political maturation. This is an historical cliche. Fortunately, such jejune "analysis" does not interfere with the narration: it is just the author's hobby horse. Davis also believes that the great bane of the 20th century was the growth in private corporate power. He is, in this sense, a real New Dealer. His railings against Big Business would not be out of place at a Ralph Nader rally. He is skeptical of the great industrialists, such as Henry Kaiser, whose organizational skills are often credited with helping to win the war of production. For Davis, the capitalists simply feathered their nests and then extended their stranglehold on the economy into the postwar world. This, too, is pretty much a cliche and one that Davis does little to document. The author does a good job at catching the president's shifty character and political opportunism. Observers sometimes wondered if there was a real FDR, or if he was all just sleight of hand. Davis also revels in the personal gossip that accompanied FDR's presidency, the most entertaining we ever had except for, perhaps, that of Bill Clinton. The author grinds a few other axes, as well, in his analysis of Roosevelt's war presidency. He is convinced that the USA could, and should, have intervened earlier in the war. That it did not resulted, he claims, in the extended tragedy of 1939-45. This is unfair. Roosevelt was well-aware of the dangers posed by the Axis. However, he was also well-aware of the fiasco of Woodrow Wilson's postwar leadership and the corrosive skepticism of the public toward European politics. FDR tried, in the famous "Quarantine Speech," to move America toward some sort of collective security -- and the result was a political firestorm. As president of a democracy, FDR held no brief to shoehorn the United States into a war not wanted by its own people. (The subsequent lesson of LBJ should convince us of that.) But, the Holocaust is the issue on which Davis really gets ahead of his evidence. He is adamant that FDR should have done something about it -- but has no idea what. In fact, the murder of the Jews was a tragedy that the United States was helpless to prevent or even mitigate. Consider, for instance, that nearly half the murdered Jews were killed by roving German killer squads in the vastness of the wartime USSR. What, precisely, could FDR do about that? There are many other such examples. The heart, understandably, cries out against the horror of the crime -- but a cri de coeur is not analysis. Until 1943, the allies were losing the European war. They were not in a position to do much of anything. Davis has some rare harsh words for George Marshall, whom he accuses at one point of duplicity. Marshall's towering reputation, however, survives intact. Davis is, likewise, hard on Henry Stimson, whose integrity he doubts -- but doesn't tell us why. The book is extensively detailed and reads well. Some editing would have useful as it simply meanders too much. This, however, may be a function of the writer's death, which may have robbed him of the full editing process. There is more verve in this extended biography than in the late Frank Freidel's rather wooden account of FDR. There is, as well, less hagiography than in Schlesinger's mutli-volume account of the New Deal. FDR is, perhaps, our most fascinating president and certainly far and away the greatest of the twentieth-century. He is,in fact, the ONLY great one of the past hundred years. And, this is a good account. Finally, Eleanor recedes somewhat into the shadows here, and that is all to the good. Compassionate, she was. But, FDR was in charge, not Eleanor. She is an icon of the feminist movement and this leads current histories to over-rate her influence. She was an attractive nag -- but not Roosevelt's conscience. He, and he alone, was the soul of the New Deal. The same was true of the war years. Harry Hopkins was the real alter ego. Davis gets this exactly right.
But what shattered me the most was page 466 of this book. On this page, the elegant sophisticated westernized and secular Mr Jinnah the founder of Pakistan is portrayed as a fanatical Muslim Leader. Nothing can be farther from the truth. Mr Jinnah was called the best ambassador of Hindu Muslim Unity by none other Mr Gandhi. Indeed, he had struggled the most to keep religion out of politics. Mr Gandhi's Hindu Revivalism was what forced Mr Jinnah to opt for a seperate homeland. Obstinacy of Mr Nehru, and out and out fanaticism of Veersavarkar didnot help either. Nevertheless point stands, Mr Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, was a secular Minded man, and a leader free of communal bias. To read more about this topic, I suggest Stanley Wolpert's Jinnah of Pakistan and Hector Bolitho's Jinnah. Now here is quote from Mr Jinnah's inaugural speech to Pakistan's constituent assembley. Judge for yourself how stupid Davis's absurd claim is : You are FREE- You are free to go to your temples. You are free to go to your mosques or anyother place of worship in this state of Pakistan. You may belong to any religion caste or creed- That has nothing to do with the business of the state. ... Read more | |
| 131. Fdr's Splendid Deception: The Moving Story of Roosevelt's Massive Disability-And the Intense Efforts to Conceal It from the Public by Hugh Gregory Gallagher | |
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our price: $19.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0918339502 Catlog: Book (1999-03-01) Publisher: Vandamere Press Sales Rank: 293711 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (3)
While I found the book to be inspirational, perhaps the most fascinating realization was the respect of the media in maintaining this illusion. For instance, we learn that of the thousands of photos taken of Roosevelt, only a couple exist that show him in his wheelchair. In an age where every aspect of a President's health and private life are scrutinized, this book allows us to ask the uneasy question of whether one of our greatest Presidents could ever have been elected today. You don't have to be a history buff to appreciate the value of this book; I highly recommend it.
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| 132. Thomas Jefferson: (The American Presidents Series) by Joyce Appleby, Arthur M. Schlesinger | |
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Reviews (6)
Instead what we have is very little of anything. It is certainly not a fact oriented presentation of the events of the Jefferson presidence; while the Burr/Hamilton duel, the Lewis and Clark Expedition, the 1800 election battle and other events are mentioned, there are no details. But neither is there the kind of political/philosophical discussion of the kind thatI thought Diggins carried out so well. The analysis here goes little beyond making the naked assertion that Federalists were upper class elitists who Jefferson opposed therefore is Appleby's mind Jefferson is good and isn't it just too bad that Jefferson didn't free his slaves and that he slept with Sally Hemmings. Jefferson has been criticized for much more than the conflict between the claims of the Declaration of Independence and his views on slavery but little of this can be found in Appleby's book. Similarly, there are valid reasons why several recent writers have looked on Adams with favor and while Appleby isn't bound to accept those views, there is no analysis to support her blind rejection of Adams and Federalism. Again, my objections to the book are not the positions that it takes but rather the fact that these positions are nothing more than conventional wisdom presented without support and they are presented in what is frankly not a very well written book. I can't believe that Schlesinger was pleased with this addition to his series.
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| 133. The Paris Years of Thomas Jefferson by William Howard Adams | |
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| 134. George Washington's Mount Vernon: At Home in Revolutionary America by Robert F. Dalzell, Lee Baldwin Dalzell | |
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Book Description George Washington's Mount Vernon thus compellingly combines the two sides of our first President's life, the public and the private, and uses this combination to enrich our understanding of both. Gracefully written, and with more than 80 photographs, maps, and engravings, it tells a fascinating story with memorable insight. Reviews (4)
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| 135. Woodrow Wilson: Profiles in Power by J.A. Thompson | |
![]() | list price: $15.95
our price: $11.16 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0582247373 Catlog: Book (2002-08-15) Publisher: Longman Sales Rank: 71504 Average Customer Review: US | Canada |