| UK | Germany |
| Home - Books - Business & Investing - Economics - Economic Policy & Development | Help | |
| 41-60 of 200 Back 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Next 20 |
click price to see details click image to enlarge click link to go to the store
| 41. Has Globalization Gone Too Far? by Dani Rodrik | |
![]() | list price: $25.00
our price: $21.25 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0881322415 Catlog: Book (1997-03-01) Publisher: Institute for International Economics Sales Rank: 225086 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Download Description Reviews (4)
Has globilization gone too far? is a good source for those people trying to find out more about the issue because it shows what happens under globilization both theoritically and in real life. It presents the arguements against free trade and the problems associated it with it like loss of jobs and capital outflows so it is good to understand the oposing view.
I feel that Rodrik discusses solely from the perspectives of industrialized nations' interests. I would have liked him to explore more from the perspectives of under developed/developing nations'.
| |
| 42. Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism (3rd Edition) by Richard H. Robbins | |
![]() | list price: $65.00
our price: $65.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0205407412 Catlog: Book (2004-07-19) Publisher: Allyn & Bacon Sales Rank: 479030 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (2)
| |
| 43. The Arab Human Development Report 2004: Towards Freedom in the Arab World by United Nations Development Programme | |
![]() | list price: $24.95
our price: $24.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0804751846 Catlog: Book (2005-05-30) Publisher: Stanford University Press Sales Rank: 188893 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description The Arab world finds itself at a historical crossroads. Caught between oppression at home and violation from abroad, Arabs are increasingly excluded from determining their own future. Freedom in its comprehensive sense, incorporates not only civil and political freedoms (in other words, liberation from oppression), but also the liberation from all factors that are inconsistent with human dignity. To be sustained and guaranteed, freedom requires a system of good governance that rests upon effective popular representation and is accountable to the people, and that upholds the rule of law and ensures that an independent judiciary applies the law impartially. The report describes free societies, in their normative dimension, as fundamental contrasts with present-day Arab countries. The enormous gap that separates todays reality and what many in the region hope for, is a source of widespread frustration and despair among Arabs about their countries prospects for a peaceful transition to societies enjoying freedom and good governance. Moreover, persisting tendencies in Arab social structures could well lead to spiralling social, economic, and political crises. Each further stage of crisis would impose itself as a new reality, producing injustices eventually beyond control. The Arab world is at a decisive point that does not admit compromise or complacency. If the Arab people are to have true societies of freedom and good governance, they will need to be socially innovative. Their challenge is to create a viable mode of transition from a situation where liberty is curtailed and oppression the rule, to one of freedom and good governance that minimises social upheaval and human costs, to the fullest extent possible. History will judge this a transcendent achievement through which the region finally attained its well-deserved freedom. | |
| 44. Development as Freedom by AMARTYA SEN | |
![]() | list price: $15.00
our price: $10.20 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0385720270 Catlog: Book (2000-08-15) Publisher: Anchor Sales Rank: 4772 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description
Reviews (33)
It is not novel. Indeed, Sen squarely locates in the liberal tradition flowing from the eighteenth-century philosophes. However, Sen makes an eloquent case for his own uniquely nuanced interpretation. He recalls the finest traditions of the classical orator, drawing on his unquestionable economic expertise, broad knowledge, and warm humanity. The crux of his argument lies in what he believes "substantive freedoms" consist. He defines freedom in a negative way, what he calls "unfreedoms," as "elementary capabilities like being able to avoid such deprivations as starvation, undernourishment, escapable morbidity and premature mortality" (p. 36). He also defines freedom in a positive way, giving examples of "freedoms associated with being literate and numerate, enjoying political participation and uncensored speech" (p. 36). There is little dispute that "substantive freedoms" generally work together, synergistically, in advancing development, so that the whole is greater than the sum of its parts. Sen cites very poor countries like India, Botswana, or Zimbabwe, in which he believes the establishment of democracy has successfully thwarted famine, while in Maoist China, in sharp contrast, massive famines arose in the fifties despite its superior economic performance vis-à-vis India. He also cites the well-known inverse correlation between higher female literacy rates and lower child mortality rates. But there is some debate about whether the expansion of political freedoms, specifically, go hand-in-hand with the growth of economic benefits, that is, in Sen's framework, economic freedoms. Here is the real bone of contention. Sen argues against what is known as the "Lee thesis," meaning the claim that authoritarian regimes, with concomitant restriction of civil and political rights, purportedly have some advantage over democratic regimes in promoting economic advancement. He devotes two chapters--"The Importance of Democracy" and "Culture and Human Rights"--to rebutting this position, and in my opinion, they are the most important part of the book. But Sen is never entirely successful in his rebuttal because at one point he concedes: ...Systematic empirical studies give no real support to the claim that there is a general conflict between political freedoms and economic performance. The directional linkage seems to depend on many other circumstances, and while some statistical investigations note a weakly negative relation, others find a strongly positive one (p. 150). Sen does not adequately account for the unusual success of the East Asian economies--we must include Japan here--as prospective models in the transition toward development. There may indeed be undisclosed factors operating among these cultures, perhaps even a communal ethos working in a manner distinct from the individualistic ethos on which Sen's conception of development is based. Sen's objective is to contribute to the dialogue on development. In his words, his motivation is "to draw attention to important aspects of the process of development, each of which deserves attention" (p. 33). In this endeavor, he is eminently distinguished.
In a clear departure from the main stream of economic thoughts that concern with achieving economic well-being for individuals, Sen, however, contends that freedom of individuals - economic and political freedom and civil liberties, should not be divorced from economic well-being. In fact, he believes freedom should be the principal goal of economic development as well as as the principal mean to counter poverty and insecurity. Freedom and development, rather than being hostile to each other, actually reinforce and complement one another to achieve economic prosperity and ultimately freedom for all. Democracy is not a luxury whereby only rich or developed nations can splurge, but should be seen as an end per se as well as a guiding force to foster and promote economic development and individual freedom. Clearly, Sen is up against most economists who confine themselves to only measuring individual well-being in economic terms like GDP per capita and neglect the non-economic factors like freedom of speech and press freedom. Sen, instead, attaches great importance to freedom. He believes the goal of achieving freedom need no justification and every society should also work towards achieving it regardless of whether it promotes economic development. The book on the whole provides much insights to what we usually known as economic development and how we should see it in the light of freedom for individuals. Though I may not totally agree with his analysis, I am sure that I will not see the issue of development and freedom the same as before.
As to the economic theories themselves: just plain brilliant. Who says that economists have no common sense? This book just made complete and utter... sense! I just sat there shaking my head, because sentence after sentence was phrased in just a way to make it so obvious that I wondered why I had never thought of it... and why those who have the power to listen to this book don't do something about it. I recomend this book to anyone who is interested in the state and the future of developing economies. Frankly, this should cover everyone who lives in North America and Western Europe because (as Sen shows) what affects horribly impoverished people on the other side of the globe affects us too. No knowledge of economics is required (though you might find Google helpful ;-) ), but an open mind and a modicum of common sense is necessary.
| |
| 45. The Mystery of Economic Growth by Elhanan Helpman | |
![]() | list price: $25.95
our price: $17.13 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 067401572X Catlog: Book (2004-09-30) Publisher: Belknap Press Sales Rank: 30016 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Far more than an intellectual puzzle for pundits, economists, and policymakers, economic growth--its makings and workings--is a subject that affects the well-being of billions of people around the globe. In The Mystery of Economic Growth, Elhanan Helpman discusses the vast research that has revolutionized understanding of this subject in recent years, and summarizes and explains its critical messages in clear, concise, and accessible terms. The tale of growth economics, as Helpman tells it, is organized around a number of themes: the importance of the accumulation of physical and human capital; the effect of technological factors on the rate of this accumulation; the process of knowledge creation and its influence on productivity; the interdependence of the growth rates of different countries; and, finally, the role of economic and political institutions in encouraging accumulation, innovation, and change. One of the leading researchers of economic growth, Helpman succinctly reviews, critiques, and integrates current research--on capital accumulation, education, productivity, trade, inequality, geography, and institutions--and clarifies its relevance for global economic inequities. In particular, he points to institutions--including property rights protection, legal systems, customs, and political systems--as the key to the mystery of economic growth. Solving this mystery could lead to policies capable of setting the poorest countries on the path toward sustained growth of per capita income and all that that implies--and Helpman's work is a welcome and necessary step in this direction. | |
| 46. What Matters Most: How a Small Group of Pioneers Is Teaching Social Responsibility to Big Business, and Why Big Business Is Listening by Jeffrey Hollender, Stephen Fenichell | |
![]() | list price: $26.00
our price: $16.38 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0738209023 Catlog: Book (2004-01-01) Publisher: Basic Books Sales Rank: 30613 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Amazon.com Hollender borrows from best sellers such as Built to Last but he is willing to ask the tough questions: When do core values conflict with goals and commitments? Does being a responsible business really cost shareholders more money? How do corporate charters inhibit social responsibility? How can reputation become a corporate pressure point?His answers are provided in seven approaches to social responsibility. Each defines new metrics to define prosperity, environmental stewardship and corporate citizenship. For example, he unpacks the strategy of "transparency" in descriptions of Challenger explosion, the embedded journalists of The Gulf War and the SARs epidemic.Sometimes these powerful strategies are swamped in an overabundance of examples, sources, or acronyms of activists groups. But Hollender's comprehension shows us the forest and the trees. --Barbara Mackoff Reviews (3)
Hollender identifies the real heroes and heroines of today's CSR movement - those people taking strong stands, putting their wallets and mouths where they claim their values to be. If you have any interest in changing the way business relates to the rest of society so we all can see a better future, get this book! - John Renesch, author, Getting to the Better Future
In a readable and optimistic manner, Jeffrey Hollender defines the need for both small businesses and large corporations to practice social responsibility. Then, he takes the next step in offering practical ways to reach this goal. This is an important book, not only because Jeffrey describes the shift going on in society making responsible corporate behavior an imperative, but why it is that consumers, employees and non-profits play a critical role in keeping corporations "honest" - this book is a must read, for the business person as well as the consumer - governments will never do this because they are economic governments, businesses will never do this on their own because they are incapable of truth, it is the ethical consumer, the vigilante consumer, that will make this happen. This book is really really relevant. Our environment is a direct result of how we design our things and how we get them. Without leadership and social responsibility from business, we will fail in our efforts for a better environmental future. Jeffrey Hollender represents the next wave of environmental leaders - people who produce visible examples of how we need to do things and show artistry in pointing the way to better design. In What Matters Most, Jeffrey Hollender and Stephen Fenichell persuasively demonstrate that it is not only possible to run a profitable and socially responsible business, but that it is vitally necessary for the future of our planet Jeffrey Hollender has been a pioneer in the world of environmentally proactive business for over 15 years. . He has shown that doing the right thing does pay off both in terms of building a brand that generates great customer loyalty and a business that has consistently generated superior growth. Now if I can only get my supermarket to stock the seventh generation line. I just received a copy of What Matters Most. I must admit I was skeptical that it would be a good read, as much of the CSR literature strikes me righteous and irrelevant. I have to admit I was wrong. I loved your book! I really like both the effort you made to talk directly with so many key players, and your analysis of each interview. Even if the latter is usually "yes and no," I got the sense of a serious and consistent analysis. I got a good sense of business people really struggling with difficult questions. I also carefully noted mentions of the interplay of business and government, which were interesting and enlightening to my interests. | |
| 47. COMPETITIVE ADVANTAGE OF NATIONS by Michael E. Porter | |
![]() | list price: $40.00
our price: $26.40 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0684841479 Catlog: Book (1998-06-01) Publisher: Free Press Sales Rank: 37248 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Now beyond its 11th printing and translated into twelve languages, Michael Porter's The Competitive Advantage of Nations has changed completely our conception of how prosperity is created and sustained in the modern global economy. Porter's groundbreaking study of international competitiveness has shaped national policy in countries around the world. It has also transformed thinking and action in states, cities, companies, and even entire regions such as Central America. Based on research in ten leading trading nations, The Competitive Advantage of Nations offers the first theory of competitiveness based on the causes of the productivity with which companies compete. Porter shows how traditional comparative advantages such as natural resources and pools of labor have been superseded as sources of prosperity, and how broad macroeconomic accounts of competitiveness are insufficient. The book introduces Porter's "diamond," a whole new way to understand the competitive position of a nation (or other locations) in global competition that is now an integral part of international business thinking. Porter's concept of "clusters," or groups of interconnected firms, suppliers, related industries, and institutions that arise in particular locations, has become a new way for companies and governments to think about economies, assess the competitive advantage of locations, and set public policy. Even before publication of the book, Porter's theory had guided national reassessments in New Zealand and elsewhere. His ideas and personal involvement have shaped strategy in countries as diverse as the Netherlands, Portugal, Taiwan, Costa Rica, and India, and regions such as Massachusetts, California, and the Basque country. Hundreds of cluster initiatives have flourished throughout the world. In an era of intensifying global competition, this pathbreaking book on the new wealth of nations has become the standard by which all future work must be measured. Reviews (11)
In a word, what each country that has achieved a competitive advantage in a particular industry has going for it is competition. Domestic competition is what pushed these countries to the forefront in their respective industries. What's more is that Porter makes a convincing case that the current national champion model of economic growth is doomed to failure precisely because it wipes out domestic competition. The countries that most often practice the national champion model of economic growth are the ones that have remained the most backward or have stopped growing. Porter does give one example of where this is not the case, tires. Tires are an exception where national champions work well because no country in the world has much of a domestically competitive tire market that would give them an advantage. Furthermore, Porter describes the life-cycle of national industries. They go from nascent competition to increased competition for an expanding market to increased innovation to stagnation to consolidation, and then decline. He goes into detail with several industries in several countries. My favorite analysis that Porter undertakes is of the ceramic tile industry. Two countries have become the primary manufacturers and designers of ceramic tiles: Italy and Spain. These two countries have national cultures and economic advantages that play right into ceramic tiles. Porter expertly explains why Spain and Italy have come to dominate this industry when they have been so inept in other industries. Porter has written the definitive book on national competitive advantage. "The Competitive Advantage of Nations" should be required reading for all government personnel around the world.
In this book, the author aims to answer the question, "Why do some social groups, economic institutions, and nations advance and prosper? ... I titled the book 'The Competitive Advantage of Nations' to highlight the crucial distinction between my broader concept of competitive advantage as a source of wealth and the nation of comparative advantage which had long dominated thinking about international competition." In order to answer this question, Porter uses his traditional extensive research methods and tools to prove his point. The book is split up in four parts: (i) foundations; (2) industries; (3) nations; and (4) implications. In Chapter 1 - The Need for a New Paradigm, the author discusses the reasons for his research: "The central question to be answered is why do firms based in particular nations achieve international success in distinct segments and industries? The search is for the decisive characteristics of a nation that allow its firms to create and sustain competitive advantage in particular fields, that is, the competitive advantage of nations." In Part I - Foundations, the author presents the theoretical frameworks which form the basis for the rest of the book. In Chapters 2, 3 and 4 Porter revisits most of his previous work, such as the five competitive forces, generic strategies, the value chain, and the advantages "diamond". Porter makes an important notion before turning the second part of the book: "The theory can and must be applied at two levels, the industry and the nation." In Part II - Industries, the frameworks of Part I are applied to explain the histories of four industries (German printing press, American patient monitoring equipment, Italian ceramic tiles, and Japanese robotics). In addition, Porter applies the frameworks to the service sector. This is a sector which Porter has discussed very little in his previous books. "... an increasingly important class of industries where international competition has not been widely studied." In Part III - Nations, the frameworks of Part I are applied to ten nations. Porter splits these ten nations up in early post-war winners, emerging nations in the 1970s and 1980s, and the traditional business countries (Britain and USA). Thank God, the author discusses both successes and failures within the different countries, plus identifying the reasons behind them. He also advises which steps can be taken to improve national advantage. In Part IV - Implications, Porter discusses the impact of the frameworks of Part I on company's strategies and government policies. In the final chapter Porter tries to answer the question, "What of the future?" According to Porter "the central economic concern of every nation should be the capacity of its economy to upgrade so that firms achieve more sophisticated competitive advantages and higher productivity. Only in this way can there be a rising standard of living and economic prosperity." This book is an impressive piece of research and Porter gets assistance from over 30 research assistants from all around the world. The book is not a simple read due to the amount of information provided and the length of the book. For readers who have read Porter's previous masterpieces I would like to stress that this book is considerably different than his previous masterpieces. It focuses less on industries and companies themselves, but more on national, international, and governmental issues. This book shows the author's education and training (Harvard PhD in economics). Still, the book is an impressive piece of work, although not for the fainthearted.
| |
| 48. Globalization and Its Discontents: Essays on the New Mobility of People and Money by Saskia Sassen | |
![]() | list price: $17.95
our price: $12.21 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1565845188 Catlog: Book (1999-06-01) Publisher: New Press Sales Rank: 250390 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (4)
Sassen's biggest contribution to the theorization of globalization is her attention to the global city, which she posits as a site of the physical infrastructure that enables the more diffuse projections of the world market. In these cities (like New York, L.A., Tokyo, London, Rio, etc.), high-wage, white-collar workers brush against the low-wage, largely immigrant diasporae that keep the global city running; immigrants form blocs that see a certain degree of enfranchisement and force adjustments in transnational immigration law; and globalization marches on. It's interesting stuff, but it's not new. Sassen's own book on "The Global City" scoops these chapters. And that's pretty much true of the rest of the book. The two chapters on gender and globalization are much more valuable (and more recent) here, as she starts in on what she calls "the unbundling of sovereignty," the appropriation of political punch from nation-states and the relocation of it into the hands of NGOs and the global market. Unfortunately, while she opens up a great area of inquiry, she doesn't take it very far at all, "since the effort here was not to gain closure but to open up an analytic field." As they stand, these chapters are frustratingly suggestive but ultimately not very thorough or useful. Hopefully she'll revisit the theme later. The stylistic question is a thorny one; several reviewers have already blasted Sassen for the way she writes. She's certainly not the easiest read, and her incessant neologisms are annoying. ("Operationalizing"? Can we not say, "making operational"?) You can fault her for that. But you can't fault her for writing like a sociologist, and that is largely how she writes. It's dry, there are charts and facts and figures, but the prose is economical and fairly clear (fake words aside!). By and large, though, this isn't a must-read. If you're really interested, check out her books, "The Global City" and "The Mobility of Labor and Capital." They treat the same subjects, but in more useful detail.
The book is a collection of essays that Sassen has published elsewhere between 1984 and 1997.Except for the introduction, there is no new material here.Furthermore, in many cases the content of one article is reproduced in another article in the book.Rather than reinforcing important arguments, it seems clear that Sassen is trying to get as much mileage possible out of her work.It doesn't work. The book contains hundreds of endnotes (in many cases they contain the most important information) which should have been incorporated into the text. Furthermore, she offers no conclusion to her analysis and the last chapter itself is quite unsatisfactory. In short, this book is poorly written, tedious, and unoriginal.
Essential fro everybody who's trying to understand the processesthat have lead so many to oppose globablization trends the GATT and NAFTAagreements and others that keep changing the worl we live in ... Read more | |
| 49. State of the World 2005: Global Security by Worldwatch Institute | |
![]() | list price: $18.95
our price: $12.89 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0393326667 Catlog: Book (2005-01-30) Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company Sales Rank: 6932 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Since September 11, 2001, many governments have reasserted the centrality of traditional, military-focused security. Yet the aftermath of the ensuing wars in Afghanistan and Iraq underlines once more that lasting security is not found in soldiers, bullets, and tanks. "Security" concerns are only in part about violent conflict, a worst-case outcome that results from a broad range of underlying vulnerabilities. Worldwatch offers a broader perspective on these issues by reaffirming the importance of other, less-publicized threats to global stability and security: the complex interactions between environmental degradation, poverty, and inequity; growing human populations; and the international proliferation of deadly weapons. Emphasizing the opportunities for creating a less vulnerable, more secure world, State of the World 2005 addresses a broad range of needed reforms, including those related to governance, economics, ethics, and education. With easy-to-read charts and tables, this volume presents a view of our changing world that we, and our leaders, cannot afford to ignore. Reviews (1)
| |
| 50. Economic Geography by James O.Wheeler, Peter O.Muller, Grant IanThrall, Timothy J.Fik | |
![]() | list price: $95.95
our price: $95.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0471536202 Catlog: Book (1998-02-06) Publisher: Wiley Sales Rank: 471850 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description | |
| 51. Introduction to Economic Growth (Second Edition) by Charles I. Jones | |
![]() | list price: $54.00
our price: $54.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0393977455 Catlog: Book (2002-02-01) Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company Sales Rank: 293747 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (9)
| |
| 52. Social Democracy in Neoliberal Times: The Left and Economic Policy Since 1980 | |
![]() | list price: $45.00
our price: $45.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0199241384 Catlog: Book (2001-06-01) Publisher: Oxford University Press Sales Rank: 653222 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
| 53. The Commanding Heights : The Battle for the World Economy by Daniel Yergin, Joseph Stanislaw | |
![]() | list price: $16.00
our price: $10.88 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 068483569X Catlog: Book (2002-04-02) Publisher: Free Press Sales Rank: 6446 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (35)
It starts of well by demonstrating the rise and decline of Government dominated economies in the West as well as in other parts of the world. They describe the initial successes and later failures. The transition to the free market economies we have seen in the past two decades is described well. Unfortunately the book does little more than that...description. In particular the idea that we have fixed everything now with the global free markets radiates from some of the pages on the Chicago/Harvard experts. The questions posed in the introduction on e.g. how to deal in terms of social and moral systems with the new economic order do not get attention. Instead we gate the same feeling as with reading Fukuyama's End of the World History which at that time was pretentious and looks utterly ridiculous today. It is not only the current economic crisis but also the imbalances the new system has brought ( eg overproduction of commodities, loss of control over currencies, destabilized capital flows) that has not been identified as possible outcomes of the free market policy. This leaves alone the many disasters the world has seen with privatization. Therefore, a very good and entertaing read but a bit short on the thought provoking side.
The theme of "Commanding Heights" is the superiority of resource allocation via free markets vis-à-vis resource allocation by means of government control of strategic business undertakings. Along this free market-government control continuum, there are three fundamental, ideological positions concerning the workings of an economy: economic totalitarianism, strategic intervention, and non-interventionism. Given this backdrop, the second half of the twentieth century is depicted as a colossal experiment in wealth creation and redistribution. Advocates of neoclassical economics such as Friedrich von Hayek pitted their ideas against Keynesians and supporters of the command-and-control system. World War II and its concomitant cost in human lives and shattered economic potential served as the catalyst for a remaking of the global economic order. Policymakers and politicians began questioning the effectiveness of a purely laissez-faire market system in mitigating the impact of macroeconomic failures and in addressing the issues of equity, poverty, and unemployment. Keynes provided a blueprint for the emergence of the so-called mixed economy, advocating government intervention through fiscal and monetary measures. Nationalization of strategic industries, central planning, and direct regulation were some of the tools made available to administrators. By the time of the oil shocks of the 1970s, it became increasingly clear that this system of state control over essential economic activities was ill-equipped to deal with market shocks, and that regulatory capture rendered direct government supervision of natural monopolies and fundamental services ineffective and untenable. At the end of the 1980s, concerns about market failure started to give way to belief in the superiority of the market in allocating resources and ensuring that economic actors adhere to the principles of equity and fair play. Government began to take a back seat from managing the commanding heights of the economy, and privatization, deregulation, and liberalization became the norm. The authors are unabashedly in favor of laissez-faire economics; this is shown by the recounting of recent economic history as a set of multifarious journeys undertaken by various countries that nearly invariably leads to the adoption of neoclassical economics as the sole logical solution to the ills caused by big government. Ultimately, whether the experiment with 'enlightened' free enterprise and the continuing retreat of government will succeed or not in the long term will depend on a host of factors, such as: (1) is the pursuit of pure profit by erstwhile government-owned entities detrimental to public welfare? (2) will liberalization ensure a fair distribution of wealth? (3) does internationally mobile capital impinge on national sovereignty? (4) is the marketplace inherently superior in price determination, especially in the short term? and (5) will the "balance of confidence" turn out to be in favor of free markets?
The writers, Daniel Yergin and Joseph Stanislaw, are both players of the business world, and Ph.D. holders (Yergin's from Cambridge University, where he was Marshall Scholar, and Stanislaw holds a Ph.D. from Edinburgh University). Furthermore, Yergin's book "The Prize" was awarded the Pulitzer Prize. One could only expect a dry, scholarly frightening work from the two, but, surprisingly, Commanding Heights is anything but intimidating. This is a very good introduction to 20th century's economic plans and philosophies- from Gandhi's "swadeshi" to Thatcherism of the late 1970s and 80s to the 'global economy' of the 90s and present. The book's treatment of Thatcher and Thatcherism is very good and readable, and almost enlightening. The portrayal of Margaret Thatcher is illuminating, if not flattering for the subject. The Thatcher of the book is not the evil witch of left-wing politics, but that of a hard-working, decent and uncompromising woman from a lower middle class background. Her (political) partnership with Joseph Keith and her devotion to Keith's plan is intriguing, and her David-and-Goliath battles with the 'establishment' is inspirational. ("I am the rebel head of an establishment government" she once boasted). Keynesians beware- this book might turn you into a Thatcherite! Another highlight is the book's treatment of Latin America's economic dogmas and policies. Here, Chapter Nine of the book, it reads like a dark, compelling, political thriller authored by Vargas Llosa (Not surprisingly, Llosa's name appears in this book). Like the rest of the book, this chapter is highly fascinating and lively. With great clarity and intelligence, this is a highly recommended 'big' book. A great companion as we face a new century. READ IT! ... Read more | |
| 54. The Second Bill of Rights: FDR'S Unfinished Revolution and Why We Need It More than Ever by Cass R. Sunstein | |
![]() | list price: $25.00
our price: $16.50 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0465083323 Catlog: Book (2004-07-01) Publisher: Basic Books Sales Rank: 25678 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description In 1944, Franklin Delano Roosevelt gave a State of the Union Address that was arguably the greatest political speech of the twentieth century. The speech began what Cass R. Sunstein calls the Second American Revolution by giving form and specificity, for the first time, to the concept of human economic rights. Many of the great legislative achievements of the past sixty years stem from Roosevelt's proposal for a Second Bill of Rights. Yet these rights have never been written into the Constitution, and they remain the subject of passionate debate. In recent years they have even lost ground. Using FDR's speech as a launching point, Sunstein examines the "legal realist" school of thought, which decisively refuted the idea of laissez-faire economics; describes how Roosevelt gradually developed the idea of a Second Bill of Rights; and asks why the Second Bill, which was almost enacted under the Warren Court, has never attained the constitutional status FDR sought for it. The reason, Sunstein maintains, is not anything unique to American culture or temperament but a particular historical accident: the election of Richard Nixon as President in 1968. This is an ambitious, sweeping book that argues for a new vision of FDR, of constitutional history, and of our current political scene. The Second Bill of Rights is an integral part of the American tradition and the starting point for contemporary political reform. Reviews (1)
1. Black letter law: how should new rights read? The "affirmative rights" cases of the 1970s expressed rights (for example, the right to housing) as an affirmative duty, or at least the Courts so interpreted it. And they turned down such a right for the usual reason: it tended to bring the Court into the Executive branch, involving it in a supervisory role to determine if the right was being implemented properly. This overstepped the bounds of the separation of powers and the Court would have none of it. Solution: express new rights as negative prohibitions (this is not how the Four Freedoms or the Declaration of Human Rights are expressed, and Sunstein glosses over this vital issue). For two reasons: they tend to avoid fact questions and they tend to be self-enforcing. For example, housing: if two parties are quarreling over whether one should be removed from housing, there isn't any question as to what is housing. So this minimizes the necessity for the Court to step in and answer the question: what, in fact, is housing? Second, a negative prohibition tends to minimize the affirmative need for Government to make sure people aren't being forced out of housing. People tend to know when they're being forced out of housing. If they have an individually enforceable right, they'll squawk and take it to Court and get the threatened removal stopped. Second area: what rights? This turns on a statement by James Madison constantly cited in the later dissents of Brennan and Marshall. Madison states, in The Federalist, that the Fourth Amendment prevents every assumption of power in the legislative and executive. This creates what I call the fatal anomaly of the Constitution. The Fourth Amendment guards against unreasonable searches and seizures. Reasonableness suggests a balancing approach, which the Court has adopted. However, Madison does not say every unreasonable assumption; he says, EVERY assumption. It suggests that there are rights which are protected in EVERY case, somewhat along the lines of an establishment of religion where, if you find it, you ban it in EVERY case (no such thing as a reasonable establishment of religion). No one can properly address new individual rights without reaching a conclusion on this issue. Sunstein doesn't do this. The history of English constitutional law suggests that the state makes long-term efforts to impose certain conditions, for example a state religion or violations of what today is regarded by the Court as protected speech. These efforts are made over thousands, sometimes tens of thousands of years, so there is a long history to look at. And the conclusion is that it is simply a history of failure. In the end, governments don't succeed in imposing state religion or in violating protected speech--they simply distort the facts and cause all kinds of grotesque situations. Which suggests that these facts--freedom from state religion and exercise of protected speech--are facts of the individual. That is, they inhere in the individual and are never violated. Myself, I think there are five about which the logic has been made clear over the centuries, even though there is no political consensus: housing, education, maintenance, liberty and medical care. So, if you were going to formulate new black letter rights, they should read something like (on the model of the 13th amendment): no individual shall be involuntarily deprived of housing, and so on. It's a negative prohibition with respect to a fact to which parties would tend to stipulate, and neither the Government nor the Court would tend to be dragged into a fact-finding or supervisory role. Is that the test for an individual right? What about other ideas, say, transportation? Is that a right? The point is that the process is endless, of discovering facts of the individual. The third problem area is, even if you know of new rights, how on earth do you get them enforced? Whatever the new facts, it is clear that we are living in a political reaction--and have been for 30 years--which makes it unlikely, barring a crisis, that we will see the promulgation of new rights. Say we sign off on libery and housing as rights. That means the end of incarceration. How can you have a ban on involuntarily deprivations of housing (and remember, Madison says it's in "every" case) and still put people in prison? Test case: the sheriff enforcing an arrest warrant by going up to the door of a building in which both the defendant and the sheriff concede, the defendant is housed. Here you have a flat-out political problem: Joe Sixpack will not currently allow an end to incarceration. Americans ADORE incarceration. For them, it's a sport. And how can you convince them otherwise, when only 10% of Americans ever come into contact with the criminal justice system? What about eminent domain? No road which would benefit all humanity because Grandma won't take the buyout? And is now standing on her right to housing? I sense the bulldozers waiting, purring.... I can't see the powers that be (politicians, unions, construction companies, and on and on), putting up with such a right. The reason human rights have stalled is because we have indeed reached something like a logical consensus on new facts, which new facts are slamming up against very high institutional and political barriers. Nothing stops us, however, from clearing the doctrinal ground against the time those barriers fall. ... Read more | |
| 55. East Asian Dynamism: Growth, Order, and Security in the Pacific Region (Dilemmas in World Politics) by Steve Chan | |
![]() | list price: $32.00
our price: $32.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0813317134 Catlog: Book (1993-03-01) Publisher: Westview Press Sales Rank: 616869 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
| 56. The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism by Gosta Esping-Anderson | |
![]() | list price: $22.95
our price: $22.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0691028575 Catlog: Book (1990-01-23) Publisher: Princeton University Press Sales Rank: 264703 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
|
Book Description Reviews (2)
| |