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| 21. Fundamentals of Multinational Finance by Michael H. Moffett, Arthur I. Stonehill, David K. Eiteman | |
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| 22. International Economics by Thomas A. Pugel, Thomas Pugel, Peter H. Lindert, Peter Lindert | |
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| 23. Globalization and Its Discontents by Joseph E. Stiglitz | |
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Book Description When it was first published, this national bestseller quickly became a touchstone in the globalization debate. Renowned economist and Nobel Prize winner Joseph E. Stiglitz had a ringside seat for most of the major economic events of the last decade, including stints as chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers and chief economist at the World Bank. Particularly concerned with the plight of the developing nations, he became increasingly disillusioned as he saw the International Monetary Fund and other major institutions put the interests of Wall Street and the financial community ahead of the poorer nations. Those seeking to understand why globalization has engendered the hostility of protesters in Seattle and Genoa will find the reasons here. While this book includes no simple formula on how to make globalization work, Stiglitz provides a reform agenda that will provoke debate for years to come. Rarely do we get such an insider's analysis of the major institutions of globalization as in this penetrating book. With a new foreword for this paperback edition. Reviews (69)
Take a different route now. The financial community in Wall Street has a different set of priorities. This community aims at short cuts to prosperity in the process of playing with other people's money. This community is well entrenched in the Treasury Department of the world's most powerful nation. The Treasury in turn controls the IMF and the World Bank. Suddenly we have Global Institutions serving private interests of the Wall Street. Would there be a better prescription for disaster for the developing countries? It is this vicious circle that has been brought out clearly by Prof Joseph Stiglitz. Who could be a better person to bring out these facts than a Noble Laureate in economics! Time and again the IMF dictates a "one size fits all" policy of Liberalization and Privatization, with the assumption that the "markets will do the rest". Growth and poverty are not on their agenda. When the prescription fails, its well trained and over paid staff find fault with the Countries' flaws in implementing these policies. The WTO is no exception to this policy of enriching the developed countries at the cost of the poor. Right from page No 1 of the book, Prof Stiglitz is on target in explaining case after case where the IMF has failed. Meanwhile lot of evidence is presented on how countries that have ignored IMF's advice have done better. Thus, we have Poland on the road to prosperity and Russia in a miserable state. Malaysia is better off than Thailand after the crisis of 1998. IMF led "Bailouts" in many cases were to bailout the foreign private banks to recover local debts and not in the interests of the local economy. IMF also forces nations to maintain currency exchange rates at artificial levels with the same objective. This coupled with high interest rates causes a tight monetary policy, cut in governmental spending, once again a straight dive into further disaster. The IMF for example blamed the East Asian economies for lack of transparency for the sudden melt down. But the fact is that the crisis occurred at higher levels of transparency than a decade before, fuelled by the sudden exit of speculative hot money. The dangers of unbridled liberalization (and speculation) proved more lethal than the gains. The world's most powerful nation and the self proclaimed champion of market economics ultimately protects its own interests when it comes to free trade. It protects itself through its tacit support to cartels ( as in the case of aluminum and steel) and imposition of "anti dumping duties". Trade is good for this country as long as it serves domestic industries. The pain of unemployment, increase in poverty and suffering due to the misguided directives of institutions like the IMF has led many to believe that Globalization is bad and that these institutions need to be scrapped. The "shock therapy" of market forces hurts. On the other hand we have also seen the collapse of economies and total denial of personal freedom and economic choice under the totalitarian regimes of the Communists. The best choice for sustained economic growth, freedom and eradication of poverty seems to be a combination of market forces with a paternalistic governmental guidance. Let us exercise this choice and make the world a happier place for all. An excellent book on economics and a must read for Finance Ministers of all developing countries.
This book contains something better: a tightly argued, detailed critique of the ideologically-driven free-market policies that the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has been pushing down the throats of developing nation after developing nation. Stiglitz makes the following major points: * The IMF has a deep faith in the power of free markets to solve all economic woes, and sees the primary historical effect of market intervention as stifling, rather than enabling, the development of truly free markets; * This position of the IMF is, however, poorly supported by the bulk of economic evidence from the last three or four decades of globalization, and more nuanced models of free-market development (some of which were developed by Stiglitz himself) show that an active government role is typically crucial in the development of healthy indigineous free markets; * The conditions under which the IMF makes loans to developing countries generally harm, rather than aid, the short- and long-term economic health of these countries for the lower- and middle-class populations; * IMF-imposed conditions generally ARE good news for foreign investors, whose risk the IMF loans are in effect underwriting; * The economic ministries and cabinates of developed countries themselves, such as the U.S., generally adopt policies much more moderate such as those of the IMF, casting doubt on whether the IMF is really the source of much economic wisdom at all. All these points in a dense yet well-written book that covers cases of African debt, Russia after the fall of communism, the East Asian crisis, and more. The book takes some intellectual energy to read but it's well worth it. I learned a great deal about the last ten years of international economic development, and I recommend Stiglitz's book highly.
Interestingly, this book points out that these two world powers ultimately only represent the interests of the bankers that control them and have consistently failed to help the poor that they were created to serve. In many cases they have even made bad situations worse using extremely questionable economic prescriptions. Stiglitz gives well referenced examples of spectacular ineptitude that make me surprised these organizations can even exist. However, as the book wears on it becomes clear that Joseph Stiglitz has had a distinguished career as an economist for a very good reason. He knows what's going on and skillfully gives readers access to the seemingly insane inner workings of the World Bank and IMF. The first three chapters are introductory and bring the reader up to speed. This is where the book doesn't do so well. These chapters are boring and essentially repeat the same thing over and over again for three chapters. While I can see the necessity I don't think they work for their intended purpose. I may not have finished the book if it wasn't the only material available at the time. While it misses in the beginning this book really picks up towards the end, the chapters on Russia and the East Asia Crisis are particularly good. Most importantly Stiglitz offers rational, straightforward ways to solve the problems that he outlines here. This book is a must read for anyone interested in the way international finance works. You may want to skip the first two or three chapters though...
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| 24. Disposable People: New Slavery in the Global Economy by Kevin Bales | |
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Book Description Three interrelated factors have helped create the new slavery. The enormouspopulation explosion over the past three decades has flooded the world's labormarkets with millions of impoverished, desperate people. The revolution ofeconomic globalization and modernized agriculture has dispossessed poor farmers,making them and their families ready targets for enslavement. And rapid economicchange in developing countries has bred corruption and violence, destroyingsocial rules that might once have protected the most vulnerable individuals. Bales's vivid case studies present actual slaves, slaveholders, and publicofficials in well-drawn historical, geographical, and cultural contexts. Heobserves the complex economic relationships of modern slavery and is aware thatliberation is a bitter victory for a child prostitute or a bondaged miner if theresult is starvation. Bales offers suggestions for combating the new slavery and provides examples ofvery positive results from organizations such as Anti-Slavery International, thePastoral Land Commission in Brazil, and the Human Rights Commission in Pakistan.He also calls for researchers to follow the flow of raw materials and productsfrom slave to marketplace in order to effectively target campaigns of "namingand shaming" corporations linked to slavery. Disposable People is the first bookto point the way to abolishing slavery in today's global economy. Reviews (9)
Mr. Bales describes the major factors driving slavery today. First, the post-WW II population explosion has created a huge and desperate reserve army of the unemployed. Second, the process of proletarianization continues in many so-called "developing" nations as millions of peasant farmers are displaced by mechanization. Third, economic globalization serves to break down the social fabric as materialism and greed substitutes for the communal values that prevail in peasant societies. Mr. Bales is careful to contrast the "New Slavery" of today with the "Old Slavery" of the past. The New Slavery is clearly embedded within the logic of post-industrial production, where capital avoids its social and environmental responsibilities and ruthlessly exploits human and natural resources for maximum profit. In this light, the New Slavery represents the race to the very bottom of a brutal system that is controlled by speculative investors and is accountable to no one. Case studies examining prostitution in Thailand and coal production in the Brazilian rainforest help us further understand the dynamics of the New Slavery. Subcontractors do the dirty work of luring and keeping laborers in servitude while shielding owners from justice. Mr. Bales tells us that in the case of Brazil, the landowners who blithely ignore such practices include some of the largest corporations in the world. The Old Slavery defined by the traditional master/slave relationship has survived into the present as well. Mr. Bales courageously traveled to the police state of Mauritania to gather evidence of slavery at great risk to himself and the locals who assisted him. The author devotes chapters to Old Slavery practices in India and Pakistan, where repressive sexist, class, and religious beliefs enforce an essentially Feudal social order. However, Mr. Bales makes clear that the economic forces unleashed by globalization are effectively breathing new life into these ancient practices. For example, upper caste slave owners in India are heavily dependent on slave labor to support both their privileged social positions and their increasingly Western-style consumerist lifestyle. As many in the U.S. theorize and debate from their easy chairs about the reasons why industrial jobs may be rotating to low-wage countries, Mr. Bales' book effectively shocks us from our complacency. As amply demonstrated in this book, slavery is an expression of the infinite demands of capital taken to its logical conclusion. Clearly, eradicating slavery is essential to reclaiming our humanity. To that end, Mr. Bales makes a number of policy recommendations and provides resources at the end of the book to help readers get involved in the anti-slavery struggle. I give this sensitive, perceptive and important book the highest recommendation possible.
Bales writes with clearness and imagination, yet is thoroughly scientific and researched. He followed sociological procedures and didn't merely report on other's ideas, but did primary research himself with a set variable questionnaire. All of this work makes his arguments irrefutable. Disposable People traces the three main types of slavery- old fashioned chattel slavery, debt slavery (the largest) and contract slavery (the fastest growing), in five different empirical countries. The first case of contract slavery in Thailand I found the most horrendous- families selling their daughters into slave-prostitution and death by AIDS, for the price of a colour TV. The case of chattel slavery in Mauritania was the most interesting- Arab Muslims speaking of their black slaves as their children, who need to be guided by a firm hand, but are inferior; who are fed the bare minimum to work and live, and not allowed to go to school. A place where the children of a female slave become the property of the slave owner, whether or not he is the father, and women can be kept as slaves by the claim that they are actually the wife of the slave owner, who has on his side the Qur'an's stipulation that one may have sex with one's female slaves. It was all too reminiscent of the antebellum period. Bales' weakest arguments were in regards to the form of slavery in India. While there is certainly slavery there, and it appears to be the oldest continual slavery in the world, the farming he described seemed to be more sharecropping than slavery- there was little reference to the violence that forced people to remain with their land lord/slave holder. This book needs to be read because we need to stop this. Twenty-seven million people in the world are in slavery, and many of the products we rely on and use every day are made by them. This should not be. It can not be.
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| 25. Advanced International Trade : Theory and Evidence by Robert C. Feenstra | |
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Book Description Throughout the book, special emphasis is placed on integrating the theoretical models with empirical evidence, and this is supplemented by theoretical and empirical exercises that appear with each chapter. Advanced International Trade is intended to bring readers to the forefront of knowledge in international trade and prepare them to undertake their own research. Both graduate students and faculty will find a wealth of topics that have previously only been covered in journal articles, and are dealt with here in a common and simple notation. In addition to known results, the book includes some particularly important unpublished results by various authors. Two appendices describe empirical methods applicable to research problems in international trade, methods that draw on (i) index numbers and (ii) discrete choice models. Thoroughly up-to-date and marked by clear, straightforward prose, this book will be used widely--and enthusiastically. Professors: A supplementary Solutions Manual is available for this book. It is restricted to teachers using the text in courses. For information on how to obtain a copy, refer to: http://pup.princeton.edu/class.html Reviews (2)
The required mathematical apparatus (e.g., envelope and duality results) is introduced naturally, intuitively, and only as and when it is needed. The English flows easily, and the interweaving of theoretical and empirical material is especially novel and welcome. This book should set the standard for writing graduate texts.
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| 26. International Economics: A Policy Approach by Max Kreinin | |
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| 27. International Economics, Sixth Edition by Steven Husted, Michael Melvin | |
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| 28. In Defense of Globalization by Jagdish Bhagwati | |
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Book Description Reviews (9)
I gave the book only 3 stars because some how the book annoyed me. The arguments against the anti globalization movement, can be helpful, especially because they are in terms anti-globalizers can accept, because Mr. Bhagwati seems to be so close to them. Throughout his book Mr. Bhagwati is very favorable about the influence of the non-elected, non-democratic influence of NGO's and other institutions. But I wonder why these groups are more legitimate than elected officials. Although he has some interesting arguments in favor of globalization, I found the inconsistent and moral argumentation not always very strong. For example he argues against the enforcements of setting of universal labor standards, because the conditions in each country is different and hence not each country can afford the high Western standards. But than later in his book he praises the influence of the NGO's and media can wield to these same countries to enforce the Western values on them. Also not quite clear is why he seems to want to make a point that liberals are better than conservatives. In the last pages of the book he even explicitly states that Reagan and George W Bush practicing "make believe" economics, even claming that Clinton saved us from the Reagan politics. But this not widely accepted claim, he seems not to backup with evidence. I wonder how claims like this, helps to build the case for globalization. Maybe it is to appease the anti-globalizers, he hopes read the book?
One problem that any such book faces is that the anti-globalization movement is rather amorphous, bringing together all sorts of groups that make all sorts of accusations; to get around this, Mr. Bhagwati divides his book into the major themes (the link of economic growth to poverty, of trade to the environment or labor rights, etc), and looks at what the various NGOs are saying against globalization. To his credit, Mr. Bhagwati has considered most of the subtleties, nuances and variations of the NGO arguments. Having done this, Mr. Bhagwati explains whether and why the NGOs are wrong. Predictably, the NGO fears usually prove exaggerated or simply untrue. To their polemic rhetoric, Mr. Bhagwati answers with anecdotes, news reports and econometric studies. Whether one agrees or disagrees with him, no one can accuse Mr. Bhagwati of brushing aside the critics. Refreshingly, the book is not an unconditional acceptance of globalization. "In Defense of Globalization" is a defense, but it is not blind to what is wrong about globalization; Mr. Bhagwati is cautious, for example, about uninhibited capital flows; he is also critical about the invasion of intellectual property rights into trade agreements; he is also suspicious of businesses that bribe politicians to alter trade agreements to their favor. And so on. Yet, his verdict is staunchly pro-globalization. He urges against using trade-curtailing answers to economic problems; he also alerts us that many of the ills identified by NGOs have little to do with globalization ("What has globalization got to do with that?" he writes more than once). More importantly, he offers ideas about how to make globalization better, from managing immigration, to rethinking the trade sanctions, to the role that NGOs ought to play, and many more. Nothing here is new; but he assembles the various ideas that he has pronounced over the years in books, op-ed pieces and academic journals. There is no doubt that "In defense of globalization" will be the book to beat from now on. No anti-globalization treatise should be published without being able to refute Mr. Bhagwati's arguments. For having elucidated this debate even further, Mr. Bhagwati deserves to be read and to be thanked.
However, the best part of the book is that it has helped improve my vocabulary, despite Shakespearean distractions( My copy of the Webster's dictionary was put to good use after a long time). I have absolutely no doubts on the integrity, experience and the academic brilliance of the author. The book devotes one chapter each for discussing important issues ranging from women's rights, child labor, democracy, wages , environment and this makes it a comprehensive coverage of the topic hardly seen in many other books. But most of the arguments are not supported by sufficient data and analysis as one would expect in order to accept the hypothesis of the cases. No doubt, this book has a long list of notes and references from which the author has generously quoted, but again, I was at times a little lost in the maze of quotations. Despite these shortcomings, the core topic of this book ( globalization with a human face) is bound to be at the forefront of policy formation in most developing countries and also influence discussions and decisions at global institutions like the WTO, IMF and the World Bank. If that happens, the book deserves substantial credit. Globalization is not a problem, but a part of the solution to usher in an era of prosperity on a global scale with a human face. I have no disputes with the author on this statement.
In a nod to those legions of philosophers and writers who over the past two hundred years have attempted to arrest the career of this reductive model of humanity, Bhagwati's updated version of homo economicus is imbued with some non-rational characteristics, envy for one, and, culture, for another. In this Bhagwati, to his credit, is more up to date than his contemporaries from Chicago. He recognizes that not only does man not live by bread alone, but that globalization did not invent bread, ancient non-capitalist cultures did. Eventually, however these concessions to the many critics of homo economicus are revealed as strategic concessions only, because ultimately Bhagwati believes that all humans, though they are not necessarily born to be rational wealth maximizers, must become so. Those who do not comply will hold humanity back from the best form of goodness that can be achieved: economic prosperity through global capitalism. For him other forms of prosperity, such as spiritual or moral prosperity, while noble, are necessary only insofar as they promote and support wealth creation. We certainly have not achieved the best of all possible worlds yet, Bhagwati replies to his critics, and we may never achieve it, he concedes, but of the means at our disposal the neo-liberal economic system is the best there is. Sure, there are "externalities," he admits, but on balance, of all the possible systems that are known, it works best. The strategic concession is by far Bhagwati's most effective rhetorical strategy. Yes, he agrees, pollution is bad, but, he insists, pollution can be fixed (blithely overlooking the fact it has not yet been fixed, seems to be increasing to the point where it threatens our existence and that those who have power are disinclined to undo the mechanisms that brought them into power). Yes, he acknowledges, people's societies are becoming emptied of their old meanings by the techniques of global capitalism. But, he argues, in this best of all possible worlds the omnibenevolent energies of global capitalism have stimulated the genius of writers like Salman Rushdie who meld the ancient and modern together in a bold new hybrid (a rationale which overlooks the fact that much of modern literature, including Rushdie's, is an attempt to find meaning in a world that is everyday upended through the "creative destruction" of capitalism). So using the technique of the strategic concession, the critics of global capitalism might say, yes, we agree our standard of living has risen in the past hundred years (but the disparity between rich and poor is wider now than it has ever been, a disparity that means greater influence accrues to fewer and fewer people who have more and more say about how the world economy will be structured.) Sure, we in the United States live as kings could not even conceive of living 200 years ago (and consume 25% of the world's energy and in so doing, endanger the present environment and the lives of generations to come). Yes, the promotion of literacy is a good thing (except that it generally it takes a generation or so for a people to learn that they will never be as prosperous as those who imposed the technique of capital upon them and another generation to understand that their old ways of life have become emptied of meaning, ancient human meanings that can never be fully recovered). The cultural critique of globalization is particularly difficult for Bhagwati to manage. Indeed, it's a critique that has been around since the early days of the Industrial Revolution in the works of Carlyle, Morris, Dickens, and those other Englishmen of that time whom Bhagwati is perversely fond of quoting. These Englishmen saw the evils of the dark satanic mills in a time before such evils were reclassified as externalities by business schools and their wealthy donors, before the mills and their more distressing byproducts were moved out of sight and out of mind. Yes, he agrees that capitalism can be destructive of community, but maintains that that older beliefs about the nature of humankind can live peacefully together with global capital as in the Rushdie example above. Here he leaves the realm of the disingenuous argument and passes into dissembling. [The] "Technique" [behind globalization] "worships nothing, respects nothing. It has a single role: to strip off externals, to bring everything to light, and by rational use to transform everything into means...The sacred cannot resist." (Jacques Ellul again, pg. 142, The Technological Civilization). Those wary of globalization have seen enough of its antecedents to know that this newest manifestation of capitalism turns once functioning societies into compost, and sometimes dangerous compost. Perhaps many societies, as Bhagwati asserts, are worthy only of the garbage heap of history. Agreed. There are traditional societies and beliefs which are repressive, cruel, or which have been radicalized to become so when they are touched by globalization. The difficulty lies in the fact that globalization does not make distinctions -- it does not pass over worthy societies and undermine only the less worthy. It is a technique and as such simply cannot understand or go easy on societies where people are defined as other than rational wealth-maximizers. It has no answer for those once culturally rich and fertile cultures which are now only the stilled poetry out of which grows the prosaic apologetics of the neo-liberal economist.
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| 29. International Handbook of Telecommunications Economics (3 Volume Set) | |
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| 30. International Economics by Dennis R Appleyard, Alfred J Field | |
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Book Description Reviews (2)
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| 31. Has Globalization Gone Too Far? by Dani Rodrik | |
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Download Description Reviews (4)
Has globilization gone too far? is a good source for those people trying to find out more about the issue because it shows what happens under globilization both theoritically and in real life. It presents the arguements against free trade and the problems associated it with it like loss of jobs and capital outflows so it is good to understand the oposing view.
I feel that Rodrik discusses solely from the perspectives of industrialized nations' interests. I would have liked him to explore more from the perspectives of under developed/developing nations'.
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| 32. Understanding Global Cultures : Metaphorical Journeys Through 28 Nations, Clusters of Nations, and Continents by Martin J. Gannon | |
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Book Description Click 'Additional Materials' for downloadable sample chapter New cultural metaphors for nations added to this edition: - The Canadian Backpack and Flag - The Danish Christmas Lunch - French Wine - Chinas Great Wall and Cross-cultural Paradox - The Singapore Hawker Centers - Australian Outdoor Recreational Activities - The Sub Saharan Bush Taxi A unique feature of the third edition is that it develops a cultural metaphor for the base culture of China (the Great Wall), showing how it influenced both a unifying cultural metaphor among the large Chinese Expatriate communities living in various nations (the Chinese family altar) and the cultural metaphor for Singapore (the Hawker Centers). Another unique feature is the description of cultural metaphors for two continents, Africa and Australia. The Third Edition also groups these cultural metaphors by book parts into overriding themes or general types of cultures such as Authority Ranking, Equality matching, Market Pricing, Cleft, and Torn. There is now a Web site that the instructor can use to obtain over 100 concepts, applications, and exercises that serve to enrich the learning experience associated with the third edition. It is tailored specifically to the Third Edition. Go to: ww.csusm.edu/mgannon | |
| 33. Doing Business in 2005: Obstacles to Growth by World Bank | |
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| 34. Workforce 2020 : Work and Workers in the 21st Century by Richard W. Judy, Carol D'Amico | |
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our price: $14.41 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 1558130616 Catlog: Book (1997-03-01) Publisher: Hudson Institute Sales Rank: 163031 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (2)
As reviewed in Annotated Bibliography of Learning A Living, A Guide to Planning Your Career and Finding A Job for People with Learning Disabilities, Attention Deficit Disorder, and Dyslexia by Dale S. Brown
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| 35. The Color of Oil : The History, the Money and the Politics of the World's Biggest Business by Michael Economides, Ronald Oligney, Micheal Economides, Armando Izquierdo | |
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Book Description Reviews (16)
I am somewhat baffled by the assertions of reviewer Stephen Mark, especially about the book's "extremely political" and "ungrammatical" nature. If anything, The Color of Oil exposes the foibles of politics and is an appeal to reason, which of course, is essentially (in the truest sense) apolitical. I found the book well-written and entertaining. Check out the anecdote about Stalin's admonition to his oil minister during WWII: "if Hitler gets one drop of oil, we will shoot you..." I won't give the rest away... If you're the least bit interested in the oil industry, you are in for a real treat...
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| 36. Understanding Capitalism: Competition, Command, And Change by Samuel Bowles, Richard Edwards, Frank Roosevelt | |
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| 37. The Commanding Heights : The Battle for the World Economy by Daniel Yergin, Joseph Stanislaw | |
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Reviews (35)
It starts of well by demonstrating the rise and decline of Government dominated economies in the West as well as in other parts of the world. They describe the initial successes and later failures. The transition to the free market economies we have seen in the past two decades is described well. Unfortunately the book does little more than that...description. In particular the idea that we have fixed everything now with the global free markets radiates from some of the pages on the Chicago/Harvard experts. The questions posed in the introduction on e.g. how to deal in terms of social and moral systems with the new economic order do not get attention. Instead we gate the same feeling as with reading Fukuyama's End of the World History which at that time was pretentious and looks utterly ridiculous today. It is not only the current economic crisis but also the imbalances the new system has brought ( eg overproduction of commodities, loss of control over currencies, destabilized capital flows) that has not been identified as possible outcomes of the free market policy. This leaves alone the many disasters the world has seen with privatization. Therefore, a very good and entertaing read but a bit short on the thought provoking side.
The theme of "Commanding Heights" is the superiority of resource allocation via free markets vis-à-vis resource allocation by means of government control of strategic business undertakings. Along this free market-government control continuum, there are three fundamental, ideological positions concerning the workings of an economy: economic totalitarianism, strategic intervention, and non-interventionism. Given this backdrop, the second half of the twentieth century is depicted as a colossal experiment in wealth creation and redistribution. Advocates of neoclassical economics such as Friedrich von Hayek pitted their ideas against Keynesians and supporters of the command-and-control system. World War II and its concomitant cost in human lives and shattered economic potential served as the catalyst for a remaking of the global economic order. Policymakers and politicians began questioning the effectiveness of a purely laissez-faire market system in mitigating the impact of macroeconomic failures and in addressing the issues of equity, poverty, and unemployment. Keynes provided a blueprint for the emergence of the so-called mixed economy, advocating government intervention through fiscal and monetary measures. Nationalization of strategic industries, central planning, and direct regulation were some of the tools made available to administrators. By the time of the oil shocks of the 1970s, it became increasingly clear that this system of state control over essential economic activities was ill-equipped to deal with market shocks, and that regulatory capture rendered direct government supervision of natural monopolies and fundamental services ineffective and untenable. At the end of the 1980s, concerns about market failure started to give way to belief in the superiority of the market in allocating resources and ensuring that economic actors adhere to the principles of equity and fair play. Government began to take a back seat from managing the commanding heights of the economy, and privatization, deregulation, and liberalization became the norm. The authors are unabashedly in favor of laissez-faire economics; this is shown by the recounting of recent economic history as a set of multifarious journeys undertaken by various countries that nearly invariably leads to the adoption of neoclassical economics as the sole logical solution to the ills caused by big government. Ultimately, whether the experiment with 'enlightened' free enterprise and the continuing retreat of government will succeed or not in the long term will depend on a host of factors, such as: (1) is the pursuit of pure profit by erstwhile government-owned entities detrimental to public welfare? (2) will liberalization ensure a fair distribution of wealth? (3) does internationally mobile capital impinge on national sovereignty? (4) is the marketplace inherently superior in price determination, especially in the short term? and (5) will the "balance of confidence" turn out to be in favor of free markets?
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