Book Description

The New Encyclopedia of Group Activities -- the sequel to the best-selling encyclopedia that was first published more than a decade ago -- is an expansive collection of hands-on activities and games that will help you explore the many elements of group process skills. This thoroughly revised and updated resource covers a multitude of content topics that you can use in a variety of group settings. The 150 new activities offer creative exercises that will give you the tools you need to provide appropriate interventions for any group purpose. Whether searching for a serious foundational process activity or for a light transitional learning game, you will find something here to meet your needs.  ... Read more

Amazon.com

Does anyone still look for the union label? Apparently not, to gauge historian Nelson Lichtenstein's history of the rise, heyday, and long decline of labor unions in America.

In the Progressive era, Lichtenstein writes, the "labor question" lay at the heart of a whole complex of political ideas governing the social betterment of working people and the development of a more equitable society. These ideas flourished through the course of the early twentieth century, as unions attained more and more influence and as Keynesian notions of organized labor being "essential to boost mass purchasing power and thereby sustain economic growth" became established. After World War II, however, unionism began a slow collapse, helped along by the rise of conservative, antilabor politics. Although ideas of workplace justice and the extension of civil rights into the private sector remain strong, organized labor has not--with the result, Lichtenstein argues, that many American workers are worse off today than they were a quarter of a century ago. Lichtenstein's narrative capably summarizes trends in modern labor history, and it provides much fuel for activists seeking renewed labor-based politics. --Gregory McNamee ... Read more

Reviews (4)

The Changing Face of Unions and Society
Nelson Lichtenstein's work titled, State of The Union: A Century of American Labor, provides an historical overview of the laws, people, and times in the American labour movement.In producing his research, Lichtenstein contextualizes (with a few glaring omissions) his discussion of the rise and decline of labor unions in the psyche of the American worker and companies alike.By starting his discussion with the period from the Great Depression through World War I, Lichtenstein provides a frame within which to place events, and accompanying mindsets, that developed from both a legal/legislative and social-change perspective. Additionally, in moving through the waxing and waning moments between the end of WWII and the Civil Rights Movement to the current living wage initiative, he presents a respectable work as to the elements that facilitated the decline in significance of unions in post-deindustrialization America; an institution which he strongly and convincingly argues is in need of a rebirth.

I found chapter five particularly engaging due to his treatment of "rights consciousness" and two legal events that were supported by African Americans and the AFL-CIO: the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Title VII.On rights consciousness, he asserts, "this chapter seeks to evaluate how and why a rights-conscious strategy became the most efficacious way to approach the labor question during the 1960's and 1970's.It tries to measure the success and failure of this approach, and suggests why the labor movement reaped so few dividends from what would otherwise have been a most nurturing social-cultural environment" (180).While such movements in other countries "strengthened social-democratic movements and increased trade-union numbers and power . . . in the United States, this was an area of relative union stagnation" (181).While this is a well-supported assertion and was a result, in part, of the period of deindustrialization (late 1970's and early 1980's) of America's cities/manufacturing centers, the legal maneuvering is nonetheless worth noting.

Upon reading of the legal positioning, I began wondering what happened to the levels of consciousness of the 1960's that led to the 1964 Civil Rights Act and Title VII?An energized movement that sought to address not only the rights of African Americans and their seemingly intractable marginalization due to their skin color and social stigmatization, but also the rights of poor Anglos/Whites as well, seems to not have served current drives for economic equality.Additionally, I began considering the implications for workers, both African American and American Anglo if the failed Poor People's Campaign scheduled for 19 April 1968 had actually taken place with Dr. King at the helm.I say failed, due to the assassination of Martin Luther King 4 April 1968, in Memphis, Tennessee, and the lack of vigor displayed when the event took place.

The consciousness displayed during the sixties as detailed by Lichtenstein brought forth a new dynamic.He writes, "if a new set of work rights was to be won, the decisive battle would take place, not in the union hall or across the bargaining table, but in the courts and the legislative chambers."This observance is indeed revealing of strategies employed by not only Civil Rights attorneys, but Union officials as well.That notwithstanding, Lichtenstein reminds readers that "a legal/administrative template derived from WWII-era Fair Employment Practice Commission was rolled into the 1964 civil rights law as Title VII," which allowed EEOC to "champion demands for equitable hiring and promotion practices" (192).Later, as Lichtenstein details, Title VII, as backed by AFL-CIO officials, came with "unforeseen" consequences.One such development was the racialization, and later gendering of fair employment "idea."Note: on the question of gender, Lichtenstein says little to nothing as to the feminization of poverty and elects not to discuss current trends in this area, which leads me to a short iteration of the books shortcomings.

Surprisingly, his treatment of women's rights and gender discrimination was relegated to less than ten pages.While he does address the living wage initiative and mentions Wal-Mart, a greater degree of attention is needed, but lacking; given current levels of working poor as detailed in Ehrenreich's work Nickel and Dimed: On (Not, Getting By In America, a discussion of Wal-Mart's machinations for crushing unionization efforts would have been both timely and ideal.

Another irony is that Lichtenstein does not discuss the Vietnam War and its economic and social fallout for America in any significant detail.A few paragraphs regarding economic and life estimates would have further served to contextualize "postwar poverty" (195).On this point, he elected not to note that more than 2.12 million people died in the war with more than fifty-eight thousand Americans contributing to the number of the dead.Additionally, he makes no mention of the estimated $140 billion price tag for America's involvement (Source: April, 2002 BBC Series War and Protest).Such omissions as that of Wal-Mart caused me to wonder about Lichtenstein's lack of in-depth discussion on the need to sincerely discuss the plight of the working poor; as opposed to paying lip-service to their very real needs.

In reading Lichtenstein's work and thinking on themes that coincided with Ehrenreich's Nickel and Dimed, which I recently read, I began wondering several things.First, how does one, in a climate less than friendly toward worker solidarity around a living wage, affordable childcare, quality medical care, and reasonable and safe housing, convince companies that the well-being of workers and their families is, and should be, tethered to their long-term economic viability as a socially responsible company and that these concerns are not mutually exclusive?Additionally, What are some methods that can be employed that allow for workers to be made aware of their rights, thus allowing them to press for reforms both in the workplace and society?

Admittedly, Lichtenstein's work is replete with legal and historical information on labor laws and practices.However, one concern this reviewer holds is the lack of discussion of these issues in an approachable form for general readers, not to mention the aforementioned omissions.While this work is excellent for gaining an understanding of labor laws and their affect both on people and companies, it too is realized that in some circles the discussion to be had will be not unlike verbal self-gratification: producing an outcome with no tangible manifestations.

Do unions have a future?
The backdrop for "State of the Union" is the "labor question" that the author finds Progressive Era reformers confronting. They regarded the disproportionate power that corporate capitalism wielded relative to citizens and workers as unjustifiable in a democratic society. Changes in workplaces were most troublesome. Skilled workers were bypassed by work-simplifying machinery, an autocratic foreman system enforced Taylorism, or speed-up, and wages hovered at subsistence levels. But American workers, drawing upon a republican legacy, seized upon the WWI rallying cry of making the world safe for democracy to insist that industrial democracy be established within workplaces. Even President Woodrow Wilson recognized "the right of those who work, in whatever rank, to participate in some organic way in every decision which directly affects their welfare." Interestingly, the author does not take note of the fact that Wilson's call for workers' participation did not mention unions. But it is the relationship of unions to this "labor question" and to the notion of industrial democracy that most concerns Lichtenstein.

The lack of a legal and institutional basis for industrial democracy virtually ensured that industrial democracy would fizzle in the post-WWI era. But the major slip-up of American capitalism in the 20th century, that is, the Great Depression, opened the door for a tremendous, pent-up surge of American worker activism. In the Wagner Act, the most significant piece of New Deal legislation, workers were given the right and even encouraged to self-organize or select a representative to bargain with employers. In unionized workplaces, vibrant shop-floor steward systems ensured that workers' concerns received an expeditious hearing. Many labor activists from the Progressive Era were in the forefront of this politicized offensive to push for legalized industrial democracy. In addition, some of the Progressive social-democratic platform such as unemployment insurance, social security, and fair labor standards were part of the New Deal package.

The backlash against this resurgence of worker empowerment began immediately. Conservative justices, hostile corporate managements, racist Southern oligarchs, and anti-statist AFL unions - all opposed state intervention in the private domain of workplaces. But with the onset of WWII, the labor movement was drawn even more tightly into the state web as a participant in peak-level bargaining with the War Labor Board and industry leaders for the purpose of stabilizing industrial relations. For example, to curtail the spontaneous and disruptive strikes that were a part of the self-help tradition on the shop floor,multi-level grievance arbitration systems became standard sections in most bargaining agreements. But that tripartite bargaining did not extend beyond WWII. Some of the agreed to provisions proved to be more debilitating than helpful to trade unions and workers in later years.

With the Taft-Hartley Act in 1947, conservatives were finally able to accomplish the dilution of the Wagner Act. Unions suffered major setbacks in that legislation. Communists and radicals were purged from union rolls, "right to work" laws were enacted in some states; employers could now denounce unions in organizing drives; and secondary boycotts were mostly prohibited. The author refers to the exclusion of supervisors and the subsequent exclusion of tens of millions of professional and technical workers in today's workforce as the "ghettoization" of the union movement.

As the author indicates, Taft-Hartley guaranteed that collective bargaining would be both limited and firm-based. A variety of barriers and penalties now existed to derail broader, classwide mobilizations. Negotiated contracts did not venture outside "mandatory" subjects of wages, hours, and working conditions. The prerogative of management to make virtually all corporate decisions regardless of any impact on workforces was a privileged topic. Industrial democracy received scant consideration as the courts generally held that a grievance clause in a contract overrode the statutory right of workers to strike.

The author takes particular care to debunk the widely held notion that the post-Taft-Hartley industrial relations era through the 1970s was a time of labor-management accord. A companion idea was that collective bargaining represented "industrial pluralism" in action. But classes with opposed interests and distinct ideologies could no longer exist; society now was defined to consist of competing interest groups who engaged in "non-ideological conflict." It was a theory that eschewed the idea that "alert citizen-workers" were the basic political actors of society. Industrial pluralism required that "competing elites bargain, compromise, and govern." Labor unions were only fulfilling their legitimate role when led by unassailable officers of long tenure. In addition, capitalism was now a benign force; it had been transformed into a rational planner for industrial society.

Global economic forces beginning in the 1970s undermined this supposed labor-management accord. Increased global competition, OPEC, inflation, and reduced corporate profits triggered new assaults bybusinessmen, conservatives, and various pundits on unions, casting them as "self-aggrandizing interest groups." Meanwhile a new rights consciousness, fueled by the civil rights movement, coupled with a loss of credibility and trust for unions persuaded workers to look to state regulatory legislation for workplace protections. But it was a pursuit for protection of individual rights based on gender, race, age, etc and not collective rights to industrial democracy. It was a focus that left unchanged the basic power structures in workplaces. Worker solidarity and workplace democracy no longer resonated with workers.

The author clearly regards the collective bargaining regime of American industrial relations, as it has evolved, to be a "product of defeat, not victory." Obviously material gains were made by many through collective bargaining, but the trade union movement has mostly failed in facilitating the democratic voice for all of the American working class.

What does the author suggest? It is a simple list: militancy, internal union democracy, and politics. There really is no assessment of the feasibility of the labor movement solving the labor question and establishing industrial democracy. Unlike the 1930s, there is no pent-up demand for workplace democracy. Consumerism seems to be the operant ideology of the American working class. This is an important book that leaves little doubt as to the state of unions. One is left wondering about the future of trade unions in the U.S.

A fine study of the crisis of American labor
Nelson Lichtenstein's Sate of the Union is a superb study of the current crisis of American labor.If it is not as finely researched or as densely rewarding as his biography of Walter Reuther or Steve Fraser's biography of Sidney Hillman, it is an excellent introduction to the problem and to possible solutions.Lichtenstein demonstrates the vital necessity of trade unions.The average wage of American young families stands at only two-thirds of the their counterparts in 1973, "even though their total working hours were longer and the educational level of the head of th ehousehold higher than a generation before.In the first years of the new century median wages and family incomes were still below their 1989 level." In the decline of civic committment and political life, the untramelled sway of corporate hegemony, the failure to confront health insurance, public transportation, and childcare in the United States and basic civil liberties in much of our brave new globalized world, the decline of American trade unionism truly is an injury to all.

Lichtenstein, notwithstanding his title, starts with the thirties.He tells the story of how mass industrial unionism boomed during that decade.The story he tells is not particularly new, concentrating on the famous struggles, as well as the fatal limitations of the CIO on race and gender.But he also goes on to point out that the partial welfare state, far from creating the dreaded dependence of conservative rhetoric, actually gave millions of workers the opportunity to exert civil rights and real power that they did not under the mythology of a producer's republic.Although he is scathing abou the flaws of the AFL's short sighted and often openly racist stratgey he duly notes that their craft unionism did have some advantages in some places.

The next two-thirds of the book are much more interesting.Lichtenstein denies that there was ever a "Labor-Management Accord,"the belief that labour problems were essentially solved held in the sixties by complacent liberals and confused leftists. Lichtenstein points out the exceptional qualities of American management that differed them from their European counterparts and made them less amenable to compromise.He points out the continent wide nature of their businesses, the absence of cartelization and self-regulation, the increased power of big businesses, who were not tained with collaborationism, and the increasing stress placed on smaller companies which made them blame the federal state.He points out the dead weight southern segregation had on trade unionism and other liberal hopes, He notes how Taft-Hartley legalized right to work laws, as well as banning supervisory unioism making the unionization of many service industries like insurance or engineering "virtually impossible."

Lichtenstein goes on to discuss the increasing complacency of the AFL-CIO, under its spectacularly unimaginative leader George Meaney, as well as the calcification of the grievance system, the dissipation of shop-floor pressure, and the strategic disaster of supporting a private welfare state via union contract.This would not stand the ruptures of the eighties and which dissipated efforts to create a national social wage for all.He also reminds us that Kennedy's Keynesianism was the most conservative form on tap, while LBJ's war on poverty failed to confront the structural roots of poverty and thought that if could be fought on the cheap with training programs.

Lichtenstein then goes on to discuss the decline of the union ideal among liberal and leftist thinkers, and notes how even the Warren Court hampered trade unions.Lichtenstein is most helpful in discussing the limits of "rights consciousness."He is unflinching on the complacency and bigotry of many trade unionists that made thisnecessary.But he quite properly notes that it cannot be a substitute for trade unionism.First off, the legal-regulatory system is not self-supporting and it needs a coherent voice from workers themselves--ie a strong trade union, to support them.Secondly, rights discourse puts the emphasis on regulators as opposed to the workers themsleves, an unhealthy sign.Thirdly, rights consciousness does nothing to change or alter managerial authority.Finally, rights discourse by itself cannot solve the structural crisis that confronts American society.Lichtenstein provides the example of the steel workers where African-Americans challenged and beat Jim Crow, only to end up with fewer steelworkers as the industry collapsed.

Lichtenstein's book is concise and well documented, if largely based on secondary sources, and it contains useful apercus about globalization, the disaster of concession bargaining, the fraud of "quality of life" initiatives, and about the folly of the construction workers.Tthey supported Nixon, beat up anti-war protesters, but were still shafted by him anyway).He also discusses the health insurance debacle, and notes some promising signs of renewal in the last few years, especailly among Hispanic Americans.One might feel he is trying too hard to end on a positive note, but one can only agree when he says that "At Stake is not just an effort to resolve America's labor question but the revitalization of democratic society itself."

solidarity forever
Nelson Lichtenstein's new book, "The State of the Union," gives a history of labor unions in the United States by way of arguing for the need to restrengthen them, and I think the case is very persuasive.

Lichtenstein weaves together a number of themes to explain the decline in union membership and power.One is increased reliance on individual rights and legal protections.Federal laws ban all sorts of discrimination, endangerment, and abuse, but the federal government does not do an effective job of protecting workers from retaliation for asserting their rights and almost nothing to maintain other important elements of the workplace, such as wage levels or the prevention of mass layoffs.

We have learned to think of ourselves as individuals protected by laws, rather than brotherhoods and sisterhoods protected by our strength in numbers.We have a long list of rights, including - most notoriously - the "right to work."So called Right to Work laws clearly hurt unions but are not too far afield from modes of thought that labor supporters have engaged in themselves.

Unions are now seen as ways to protect individual jobs and proper grievance procedures following individual wrongs, not as cross-company efforts to lift the wages and benefits of entire industries.If the purpose of a union is simply to protect me from specific injustices, surely I ought also to respect my coworker's right to not be coerced to join, right?

But if the purpose of a union is to change society and improve the lot of all workers, then clearly the "right" of my coworker to be a freeloader and drag us all down is not to be respected.

The case Lichtenstein makes is that in the process of making fantastic gains in the Civil Rights, Feminist, and other movements, leftists unwittingly sacrificed a conception of the labor union that is badly needed today.No doubt, this analysis will annoy some people, but it ought to be taken as encouraging.The right didn't defeat us; we beat ourselves.Therefore, a reconstituted labor left can successfully fight back. ... Read more

Book Description

This explicitly feminist lookat women and work presents data and research onthe wide range of work performed by women in oursociety, and analyzes it from the distincttheoretical perspective of socialist feminism. Ithighlights the lives, the work, and theexperiences of women of different races andclasses through the different types of work theydo.Addresses the full range ofwomen's work--productive work done in the labormarket, reproductive work performed mainly in thehome, and the additional work women perform forthe state (by the state regulation of women'slives in the areas of employment and children).Contrasts the socialist feminist perspective withother major theoretical perspectives fromsociology and women's studies. Expresses thevoices and experiences of women throughqualitative research data and excerpts from thecreative literature (by and about women, includingwomen of color). Features original tables thatdescribe the contemporary socio-economic standingof women in the U.S.For anyoneinterested in women's studies, the sociology ofwomen, gender roles, social stratification, womencross-culturally, work and occupations. ... Read more

Reviews (4)

The Place to Start
I manage the labor relations staff of a public employer. This book is on my desk and that of each member of my staff. My first question is commonly, "What does Elkouri say?" That said, it is only a place to start for any experienced practitioner. The editors try very hard, and usually successfully, to be balanced. However, that balance is limiting, and keeping to the Elkouri view severely limits your ability to explore the limits or to develop innovative case theories. You must have it, but you should not rely only on it.

Essential Material for Labor Arbitration
There is no one book in the United States today about labor arbitration that comes close to the exhaustive work done by the Authors in this piece. While it is a bit weak on Public Sector arbitration, it makes up that weakness in its overwhelming research and tenacious review of the trends in arbitration in the public sector. Since most arbitration law derives from National Relations Board actions, my slight complaint is somewhat mitigated.

Some caution should be thrown to labor activists about this work: it is not a strategy book, but rather a book about the various awards and trends that have come out of many arbitration cases throughout the United States. It would be best if you knew what decisions are coming out of the area you live in, and try to keep up with (and sometimes try to buck) those trends. Also keep in mind that this is not a "labor only" book, but looks at both sides of an issue, and I've more than once have had management attempt to argue against my theory by using examples out of this book.

All in all, this is the essential work for labor arbitrations.

Must have for union activists
This book is a requirement for any union activist. It provides a clear explanation of the complexities of arbitration in the labor management relations process. The book itself is dry reading. I strongly suggest reading sections of the book as questions arise. However, prior to developing any foundation for an arbitration case, I highly encourage the activist to review the book to develop a good case strategy.

We like this book so much, we issued it to every executive officer in our union.

An excellent reference
Generally considered to be the "bible" for those involved in labor-management arbitration procedures, this book is an invaluable reference in researching workplace disputes. There is ample reference to past arbitration awards, but what I have found to be of greater value is the viewpoints of different arbitrators to different issues, giving one an ability to get some insight into the thought processes that arbitrators use in determining the applicability of various contract provisions to the arbitration process.

As a union official, I have found that using this book while researching grievance issues has been a real time saver and, along with the use of other reference materials, has been valuable in determining whether or not to pursue grievances to the arbitration stage.

While the price is steep, it pales in comparison to the cost of going into an arbitration proceeding less than fully prepared. ... Read more

Book Description

This book brings together two very disparate areas, economics and culture, considering both the economic aspects of cultural activity, and the cultural context of economics and economic behavior. The author discusses how cultural goods are valued in both economic and cultural terms, and introduces the concepts of cultural capital and sustainability. The book goes on to discuss the economics of creativity in the production of cultural goods and services; culture in economic development; the cultural industries; and cultural policy. An important topic analyzed in a stimulating and nontechnical style. ... Read more

Reviews (3)

Wonderful Marketing and Management Guide for the SOHO Owner
Barbara has really outdone herself again in part 2 of her Homemade Money book series, Bringing in the Bucks. In this follow-up to her Starting Smart! book, Barbara has provided an encyclopedic A-Z "crash course" in home business management that's an incredible resource all by itself, and has devoted the rest of the book to the number one problem with which my clients struggle--marketing their businesses. Barbara literally takes you by the hand and walks you down the marketing path, from helping you devise your marketing strategy to providing insight on how to play the publicity game to giving you ideas on inexpensive marketing techniques. Once you've gotten through these stages, there's a whole chapter devoted to doing business online. I would be hard-pressed to find a more comprehensive resource to help my clients manage and market their businesses.

Bringing In the Bucks
As a woman who has worked from home for over eight years, the most important lesson that I have learned is to enjoy all of the expert information that is available for research about working from home. Homemade Money: Bringing In the Bucks is a perfect example of reading something that will enlighten you, help you in areas that you never imagined and give you the self-confidence to know that you are choosing your own path for your life instead of letting some employer rule your days! I never imagined how much information author Barbara Brabec was cramming into this great read! Even though I feel good about my work and my lifestyle, I learned even more about working from home and increasing my future income from Homemade Money: Bringing In the Bucks. I suggest you take the time to read this jam-packed book, filled with information, been-there-done-that advice and helpful tips. It could possibly help YOU bring in the bucks!

The Bible for Home-Based Business!
My good friend Barbara Brabec has produced what I believe to be the most comprehensive "manual" for anyone starting or thinking of starting a home-based business.

No questions are left unanswered. From start-up concerns like zoning, permits, and legal forms of your business, to running your business day-to-day, this book is the only one that you'll need to get up and running in no time.

What's more, Barbara Brabec has solicited the comments of industry professionals from many different fields. They offer tried-and-true tips and techniques to run your business smoothly and, as the title says, "Bring in the bucks"!

Highly recommended as more and more people are starting and running their own businesses today-- from home. And it contains all of the info you need.

If you buy just one book before launching out into the deep waters of home-based self-employment, make it this book! ... Read more

Reviews (7)

Making True Revolution with Success
This is a complex and multidimensional book on many levels. This book is not really about what governments can do to help their countries develop. In fact, the word "development" hardly appears. It is about the unproductive relationship between government and the private sector that wastes time and other valuable resources in emerging economies. The authors hold both parties responsible for moving on.

As stated on the first page, Simon Bolivar's epitaph reads, "Whomsoever has worked for a revolution has plowed the sea." Meant by Bolivar to convey despair and the heartbreak of failure, these words are transformed by the authors who have maintained a sense of optimism and good humor throughout their own experiences in the rugged world of transformation consulting. The Introduction, the book's first substantive chapter, is a cautionary tale of the Colombian flower industry, that prospered globally for decades, but later declined and has not yet recovered. Through this "case", seven patterns of firm behavior that inhibits economic agility are identified. The first seven chapters of the book elaborate on these patterns, wonderfully illustrated with other cases (Peru's fishmeal and Bolivia's soy industry, for example). The authors describe a sort of bratty adolescence that traps companies and industries in emerging economies. Chapters 8 and 9 are a fine application of micro principles around the theme of strategy, again focused on the firm. The authors advocate the old-fashion but culture shattering step of focusing on customers, costs and competitors in order to guide and inform decisions about strategy, positioning and productivity. They offer information and learning as a way for firms to experience a "coming of age" in the competitive sense. The role of government in promoting economic transformation is not touched until Chapter 10, two-thirds of the way through the book. Chapter 10-12 are probably where readers will find the book a bit frustrating and repetitive. Not enough time is spent defining what the authors mean by "steering mechanisms". This is undoubtedly because the book assumes the reader already knows alot. Chapter 10 mostly illustrates shifts in steering mechanisms using the case of a wall-bouncing Bolivian government. Chapter 11 is almost singular for business books - there is an actual discussion of research and the presentation of data. It is a practitioners discussion, however, not an academic one, so potential readers can relax.

B-school vets and other warriors will recognize alot here as an application of Michael Porter's "diamond model" from his Competitive Advantage of Nations (1990) and indeed, Porter writes the Foreword. The authors have extended the "diamond's" scope and reach, but their own model is not apparent until the end, Chapter 13. Their model for bringing about industry level change appears in the book's final four pages.

This book's protagonists are leaders in firms, industries and government, as well as their mindsets and actions. The word "leader" might be interpreted by some readers as "government" but this is not accurate. This book does do something extraordinary, however. On one hand, it is a blood and guts how-to on diagnosing and fixing the self-defeating decision making of firms in the emerging world. On the other hand, the conceptual framework within which political economics is practiced, debated, planned and evaluated is updated to reflect the fact that competitive advantage, not absolute or comparative advantage will increasingly referee the win/loss columns in the global economy. The context of political economics is addressed entirely without reference to ideology. This might strike some as soulless or arrogant. It might strike others as about time.

The writing in this book reflects a highly integrated understanding of business and economics, as well as intimate and affectionate knowledge of Latin American business and classical culture. Also apparent are the authors very fine liberal arts backgrounds, years on the road and a sense of mirth. Finally, these authors clearly know their work and thinking is culture altering and socially revolutionary. Their obvious goal is to realize the dream of Bolivar by capturing the minds of today's business, industry and government trend setters. While I would say their hearts are definitely not bleeding nor on their sleeves, their drive and focus are more uplifting than anything I have read or seen in a long time.

Insightful but too wordy
A very insightful book about how countries as a whole compete in the world economy. It presents several interesting ideas about relative competitive strengths & weaknesses of nations and the source of these competitive positions.

The book falls short on readability. The authors could have conveyed the same message in half the pages. Often, I found myself skipping entire paragraphs and sections to find the ideas burried in all the verbiage.

I still rate it a 4 because of the importance of the topic covered and the insights contained in the book.

A refreshing guide to strategy in third world economies
This book is a surprise. Very fun to read, very insightful and plenty of new ideas for doing business from emerging economies.

terrific read
I found the book a terrific read. I think it is huge task for an developing country to grow out of the habits of being follower. It is not impossible, but the probablity is low, especially since most of these countries are not technologically savvy.

The book gives anyone from an emerging country some hope that they too can compete in this quickly advancing world.

Cheers

Victor

Insightful, Refreshing and a Great Read
It isn't everyday that one gets to read a book about business and have it read as pleasurably as a good novel. Fairbanks and Lindsay have a gift for business analysis and a gift for writing. When will their next book be coming out? ... Read more

Book Description

"Whether in regard to the economy or issues of war and peace, class is central to our everyday lives. Yet class has not been as visible as race or gender, not nearly as much a part of our conversations and sense of ourselves as these and other ‘identities.’ We are of course all individuals, but our individuality and personal life chances are shaped—limited or enhanced—by the economic and social class in which we have grown up and in which we exist as adults."—from the Introduction

The contributors to this volume argue that class identity in the United States has been hidden for too long. Their essays, published here for the first time, cover the relation of class to race and gender, to globalization and public policy, and to the lives of young adults. They describe how class, defined in terms of economic and political power rather than income, is in fact central to Americans’ everyday lives. What’s Class Got to Do with It? is an important resource for the new field of working class studies. ... Read more

Reviews (1)

Class is power not money
This collection of essays addresses an often overlooked aspect of American culture: class. The introduction makes a good case that class is really more about power than money, but the other essays do not always pick up on this theme. The essays do cover a lot of ground, so consider it an introduction to the topic. Except for the last powerful essay by Barbara Jensen the authors of the book seem to be addressing an academic audience, and perhaps college students will get the most out of it. Jensen's essay is both personal and practical. She tells us what it's like for a working class woman in college to feel both the positive and negative effects of class. She opened the eyes of this middle class reader to see, without guilt, how the world can be viewed differently under the lens of class. Everyone, regardless of their class, has something to learn from this book. ... Read more

Book Description

Outsourcing is no longer just a problem for factory workers. Suddenly, softwarewritersand radiologists are easier to hire and work with in India than in Indiana. Butwho canfault companies for hiring competent labor wherever it’s cheapest? Cost cuttingis theengine of capitalism: the worst economic system in the world—except for all therest! So before we go blaming "Benedict Arnold CEOs" and "greedy capitalists,"considerthis:
Thanks to the public education system liberals have defended for the past fortyyears,many high school graduates are nearly functionally illiterate. Not so inIndia.

Thanks to lobbyists and pro-union immigration laws, foreigners aren’t allowed tostay inthe country after they finish their Ph.D.s. So they’re starting companiesoverseas insteadof here.

Thanks to our liberal tax system, employers have to pay extra for Americanworkers tofund Social Security—which no one believes will be solvent in a few decades.

Thanks to a legal system that favors the plaintiff, employers in the UnitedStates mustworry about lawsuits over spilled hot coffee, trumped up sexual harassmentcharges, andother frivolous cases.

This election year, we’ll hear a lot of complaining that big business isabandoning thelittle guy and being unpatriotic. But it’s actually left-leaning politicians whohave madeAmerica less competitive. Respected economist Todd G. Buchholz will recommendfixesfor our education, immigration, tax, and legal systems that will make Americalean andmuscular again—and make our labor pool the most attractive in the world. ... Read more

Book Description

Widely regarded as the best, most comprehensive text available for the in-depth study of labor market theories, The Economics of Labor Markets calls upon excellent pedagogical elements and empirical research to introduce students to labor economics.The authors' balanced approach to the material enables students to gain an understanding of the background of the field as they explore its latest developments and unique topics not covered in most competing texts.Intended as the basic text for an undergraduate course in labor economics or labor relations, this book also is suitable as a survey or reference text for a graduate level course. ... Read more

Book Description

A vibrant history in graphic art of the "Wobblies," published for the centenary of the founding of the Industrial Workers of the World and promoted by a major US tour.

The stories of the hard-rock miners' shooting wars, young Elizabeth Gurly Flynn (the "Rebel Girl" of contemporary sheet music), the first sit-down strikes and Free Speech fights, Emma Goldman and the struggle for birth control access, the Pageant for Paterson orchestrated in Madison Square Garden, bohemian radicals John Reed and Louise Bryant, field-hand revolts and lumber workers' strikes, wartime witch hunts, government prosecutions and mob lynching, Mexican-American uprisings in Baja, and Mexican peasant revolts led by Wobblies, hilarious and sentimental songs created and later revived—all are here, and much, much more.

The IWW, which has been organizing workers since 1905, is often cited yet elusive to scholars because of its eclectic and controversial cultural and social character. Wobblies! presents the IWW whole, scripted and drawn by old-time and younger Wobbly and IWW-inspired artists.

Contributors include Carlos Cortez (former editor of the Industrial Worker), Harvey Pekar (author of American Splendor), Peter Kuper (current artist of MAD's Spy vs. Spy), Sue Coe, Seth Tobocman, Chris Cardinale, Ryan Inzana, Spain Rodriques, Trina Robbins, Sharon Rudahl, and the circle of artists for World War 3 Illustrated. ... Read more

Reviews (7)

An amazing history of the Industrial Workers of the World
Wobblies! A Graphic History Of The Industrial Workers Of The World is an amazing history of the Industrial Workers of the World, an organization known for its eclectic and controversial affiliations as well as its strong stand against government and corporate exploitation. Wobblies! is particularly remarkable in that it presents its vivid anecdotes about everything from wartime witch hunts, government prosecutions, mob lynching, Mexican peasant revolts, the bombing of IWW figures and much more in comic book format. Black-and-white comic-style stories by a wide variety of artists, from vintage political cartoons to unfolding true tales of modern history, fill this superbly edited and presented overview of the Wobblies. Presented in an absorbing manner that invites the lay reader to peruse from cover to cover, Wobblies! is highly recommended especially for school and public library history shelves.

Great review of Wobbly history
Before I read this graphic novel, I knew very little about the history of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW or Wobblies). This was a great way to brush up on my history. Almost all of the included art is very informative and interesting. As for the IWW, they were the most successful radical labor movement in the history of the US. You aren't going to learn that in a high school classroom but we can learn a lot from the history of the Wobblies. Socioeconomic developments within our lifetimes could allow a movement such as the one represented by the IWW to grow and flourish. An injury to one is an injury to all!

The "Wobblies!" is an excellent graphic novel...
The "Wobblies!" is an excellent graphic novel spelling out history of the IWW. It's chock full stories told by some of the top notch hardest working political comix artists alive today. So check it out and if you got the $$$, it's definitely worth the buy - in solidarity - Savannah Skye...

5 Stars for Buhle's "Wobblies!"
As a youth activist, organizer, and scholar, I find Paul Buhle's "Wobblies!" to be a refreshing and unique reminder of the revolutionary tradition of the Industrial Workers of the World. Combined with amazing graphics and informative texts, "Wobblies!" is not just *any* graphic novel--it's a historical testament to the creative, inspirational, and rebellious struggle for freedom and justice that the Wobs fought (and continue to fight!) for. From the Paterson and Lawrence Strikes, Free Speech Fights, various interesting graphic-biographies of Rebel Girl Elizabeth Gurley, Ralph Chaplin, and Joe Hill, to the role of Black and Mexican Wobblies--usually not the focus of most scholarship--this book is a treasure to all and anyone interested in, as Mike Davis writes, "REPLANTING THE SEEDS OF REBELLION."

I recommend this book with utmost sincerity. You won't be disappointed!




"Perhaps some fading flower then
would come to life and bloom again"
--from Joe Hill's last will ["WOBBLIES"!]

A wonderful, timely, fun book
WOBBLIES! is truly a wonderful, unique piece of work. The book tells the story of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW, better known as the Wobblies) through a collection of over fifty graphic stories (i.e., comics) produced by some of today's most exciting progressive artists/writers (Harvey Pekar, Mike Alewitz, etc).

The individual works are incredibly diverse, linked thematically into six chapters: (1) "Early Days" (founding convention, Big Bill Haywood, western miners, Mother Jones...); (2)"Lawrence and Patterson" (the most famous strikes the Wobs led); (3) "Wobblies Far and Wide" (Joe Hill, free speech fights, itinerant Wobs (or, hoboes); (4) "Repression, Martyrdom, General Strikes"; (5) "Beyond Martyrdom" (focusing on the often neglected Wobbly history of the 1920s); and (6) "The IWW Lives!" (the Wobblies up to the present).

As a special treat, there is a collection of original IWW cartoons and illustrations at the end (indeed, this book carries on that very special wobbly tradition).

This is a wonderful book that couldn't be more timely-- being released on the centennial of the founding of IWW (one of the best comics in the book depicts the founding convention of the Wobblies in 1905). Because of its graphic/comic form, it will surely help popularize the IWW to a new generation-- at a time when this is needed more than ever. (And, on top it all, it is a very *FUN* read-- highly recommended) ... Read more

Book Description

At a time when the American labor movement is mobilizing for a major resurgence through new organizing, here, at last, is a book about research on union organizing strategies. Previous studies have focused on factors contributing to union decline, devoting little attention to the organizing process itself. The twenty chapters in this volume dramatically increase understanding of the range and effectiveness of new organizing strategies and their potential contribution to the revitalization of the labor movement.

The introduction defines the context of the current organizing climate. Major sections of the book cover strategic initiatives in union organizing, overcoming barriers to worker support for unions, community-based organizing, building membership and public support for organizing, and organizing initiatives by industry or by sector. Individual chapters focus on topics such as organizing outside the NLRB process, the role of clergy, local labor councils, and rank-and-file volunteer organizers.

Contributors: Adrienne Birecree. Kate Bronfenbrenner. Larry Cohen. Brian Condit. Daniel Cornfield. Tom Davis.Dean Eatman. Christopher Erickson. Jack Fiorito. Bill Fletcher. Fernando Gapasin. Jeffrey Grabelsky. Richard W. Hurd. Tom Juravich. Fred Kotler. Janet Lewis. Holly McCammon. John McClendon. Darren McDaniel. Theresa Merrill. Ruth Milkman. Bill Mirand. Daniel J. B. Mitchell. Gregor Murray. Ruth Needleman. Immanuel Ness.Bruce Nissen. Ronald Peters. Jim Rundle. Katherine Sciacchitano. Lowell Turner. Abel Valenzuela. Roger Waldinger. Roger Weikle. Hoyt Wheeler. Howard Wial. Kent Wong. Angela Young. Maurice Zeitlin. ... Read more

Reviews (1)

Interesting for both union insiders and non-unionists
This is another labor community insider book directed toward labor union leaders and their strategists and written by the same. The motivation is the reversal of the sagging fortunes of labor unions. Many of the articles focus on the need for grassroots activity by existing union members and community supporters. Several union campaigns utilizing members are examined in detail. Union support organizations such as the Garment Women Justice Center are described. Serveral articles examine subtleties of the motivations of non-unionists to vote for a union. An interesting observation is that white collar and technical workers are turned off by the potential for conflict when joining a union, which is interesting in light of the fact that unions have always relied on confrontation as their tool of last resort. The main point of the editors is that union tactics and actions make a large difference in organizing success. The second point is that unions must remake themselves into organizing bodies and avail themselves of the wisdom contained in these articles. But for non-union insiders reading this book, many chinks appear when looking at the articles in totality. For example, one article shows that belonging to two community organiztions lowers the desire to join a union, yet many articles tout labor-community coalitions. In one case where community connections were leveraged to the fullest to win a union contract, it is admitted that may have been a one-time occurrence. A large and confusing point that leaps out from these articles is, just what is a union. Is it a centralized business that collects fees from subsidiaries, demands adherence to policies from the CEO, and provides services? Or is a union a legally recognized association of workers at a locale that affiliates with a national body but retains sovereignty? Statements that workers "are" the union hide more than they reveal. If workers are the union, can they insist that national unions remain committed to a servicing model? If workers are the union, how can some national unions literally require local unions to focus on recruitment? Claiming that workers are the union can be a demotivator for joining a union. After all, it is workers who have unsuccessfully dealt with employers on their own that want to join unions; now they want support, not abandonment. The editors and authors may complain that this book is not about "what is a union," but is only about subtle strategy. If so, they need to put a "Nonunionists need not read" label on the cover. Actually the book is worth reading by all interested in the situation of labor not only on its educational merits but also for the questions that it can engender for non-insiders. Who knows, maybe their next book can be "What is a Union." ... Read more

Book Description

Foreword by Lou Dobbs

One of the hottest, most controversial topics in the news is the outsourcing of American jobs to other countries. Outsourced jobs are extending well beyond the manufacturing sector to include white-collar professionals, particularly in information technology, financial services, and customer service. Outsourcing America reveals just how much outsourcing is taking place, what its impact is and will be, and what can be done about the loss of jobs.

More than an exposŽ, the book shows how outsourcing is part of the historical economic shifts toward globalism and free trade, and demonstrates the impact of outsourcing on individual lives and communities. The authors discuss policies that countries like India and China use to attract U.S. industries, and they offer frank recommendations that business and political leaders must consider in order to confront this snowballing crisis -- and bring more high-paying jobs back to the U.S. ... Read more

Reviews (4)

Despite Bias and Mistakes, "Outsourcing America" Has Value
There is probably not a topic that draws more emotional response in the information technology community than the offshoring of jobs. This change is not new in business as many people in the textile and manufacturing industries have lost their jobs to other countries, and this trend in IT is just the beginning of what is going to happen in all white collar professions in the coming years. Industry and politicians claim that displaced workers will find new careers and that this is good for the economy. But try telling that two people like my brother-in-law. He worked in textiles for 38 years and recently lost his job when his plant was shut down. With no pension and a difficult job market, what is he to do? And what happens when "astroturfing" type analyst reports are underwritten by industry?

It is the raw emotion of the polar ends of this debate, as well as the inherent appearance of bias, that seem to have driven Ron and Anil Hira to write "Outsourcing America" (AMACOM, 2005, 236 pages), in which they attempt to cut through the emotion to look at the real issues. It is clear that they went into this project with a clear bias, which is reinforced by having Lou Dobbs of CNN write the foreword. They also make some mistakes in their discussion of government contracting. Notwithstanding, they do succeed in identifying issues and implications for society as a whole that need to be clearly studied and discussed without emotion before a final judgement should be made.

Issues like offshoring are hard to discuss without emotion, but they are also hard to explain to the average person when couched in economic terms, so the authors do their best to make their points in a s straightforward a way as possible. However, they do tend to repeat themselves a few too many times. Where they are at their strongest is when identifying and talking about the long term impacts to communities as the result of diminished property tax revenues when high-paying jobs and the facilities that host these jobs are lost forever. Anybody who needs validation of this needs to do is look at what has happened in the Southern Tier of New York State as the result of IBM abandoning the place of its birth, taking 13,000+ jobs with them.

The authors also do a very good job of showing that there is no free lunch in free trade, that everything that is happening is the result of negotiations that always have winners and losers. That is why negotiation is often called the art of compromise. They also do a very good job documenting how the issue is being framed by industry and offshoring allies by funding so called "independent" reports on how good offshoring is for everybody. This needs to be discussed because it is certainly not being disclosed by the reports' sponsors.

However, their zeal to tell the story has resulted in sloppiness. In their discussions of U.S.Government Contracts, they say that the Section 8(a) program is the program that certifies businesses as small and disadvantaged. This is not correct. By definition, all 8(a) certified companies are small and disadvantaged, but not all small and disadvantaged businesses are 8(a). There is a distinction that the authors fail to distinguish or further explain. This makes this reader wonder if they were sloppy in other areas of their discussion as well.

If there is a lesson to take away from this book, it is that corporations are indeed making short-sighted decisions for their shareholders, but not necessarily for the common good. But there may not be any choice because the genie is out of the bottle, and the authors make their recommendations on policy changes that need to be made to address the issue.

Who Should Read This Book

This book should be read by anybody that has an opinion on offshoring, or at least thinks they do. You may choose to agree or disagree with the authors, but the content should at least make you think deeper about the issue.

Scorecard

Par on a Short Par 5 that should have been reached in two (their obvious viewpoint and mistake that I identified forced them to get up and down in 2 from the greenside bunker).

Dull read on same old song and anti-outsourcing dance
I find it interesting how Lou Dobbs has avoided the hot outsourcing debates since his snafu of recommending subscribers of his "pay-for-advice" newsletter late last year to actually buy stock in companies who are known outsourcing clients!

Its unfortunate that the authors thought Dobbs' forward would sell more books for them...(when in fact it made me check it out from the library instead of buying a copy) just to be bored by their high brow, repetitive text.

They lost credibility hooking a dull book unto Dobbs' falling star. Just what the practical business world needed...two more clones of Lou Dobbs yelling, "The Sky is Falling!"

Definitive Reference on Outsourcing and guest worker VISAs
If you are involved or concerned about outsourcing and use of guest worker VISAs, this book is for you.If you have no idea what the outsourcing fuss is all about, this book is for you too!

Ron Hira bursts through the myths and propaganda on outsourcing with verifiable statistics and detailed analysis. Just a few gems are the exposure of venture capitalists demanding that startups offshore outsource in order to receive funding, long term economic implications if outsourcing and use of guest worker VISAs are not addressed, "expert" studies promoting outsourcing exposed as being based on faulty data and assumptions, and the true reasons corporations are moving jobs offshore. Hira & Hira also give policy recommendations and a list of legislation introduced at the federal level.

A major highlight of this text is the use of detailed references.Every chapter lists a series of expert studies for further reading.Yet, the book is written as a fast read, without the typical academic dryness one would expert from a public policy expert.

Absolutely a must read for anyone who wants unvarnished and factual information on the state of offshore outsourcing in the United States.

Save the American middle class! Outsourcing is TREASON!
Read this brilliantly written book and understand how the corrupt robber baron corporations are forcing the United States into third world status, indentured servitude and debt slavery! How they spin expensive bogus studies meant to hypnotize folks into really believing decent new jobs are being created. We all know the greedy fat cats are selling us down the river while filling our politician's pockets. What happen's when your great career is stolen and handed over to foreigners, both here and abroad? Who will be paying taxes when the best job is fast food service? The elite tell us to eat cake!" We're not gonna take it anymore! ... Read more

Book Description

The typical American worker puts in nine weeks more on the job than his or her European counterpart. The costs of this overwork are enormous, both personally and societally. This bracing collection of essays is both a wide-ranging analysis of the phenomenon and a blueprint for change. With contributions by such notable names as Vicki Robin, author of Your Money or Your Life, and David Korten, author of When Corporations Rule the World, this book shows what ordinary citizens can do to restore balance to themselves and their communities. Take Back Your Time is the official handbook for Take Back Your Time Day, a national event rallying support for reclaiming a proper work-life balance. ... Read more

Reviews (10)

An eye-opening book
Wow! I am going to send a copy of this book to my team leader, as she hasn't figured out why she is always angry. It's because she is here until 9 every night, goes home to see her kids for about five minutes (who have "acted out" while she's been at work) and has to spend what little free time she has taking them to family therapists - who tell her she needs to achieve work/life balance, or, as she says, "whatever THAT is".

I would also like to give this to the productivity experts who say companies can do more with less. I'm sick of doing more with less and I am going to use this book as an inspiration to rebel. "No more 12 hour days" has become my mantra. Woe to those who try to test me on this!

So good I'm going to buy copies for my friends
Take Back Your Time is exceptionally clear in laying out the many ways in which we Americans suffer from not having enough time. Our lack of time to spend time with loved ones and friends, to help others, to be informed enough to vote, etc, is a direct result of choosing a way of life that emphasizes money and stuff over TIME. The book is a great read with numerous authors speaking to their particular knowledge on the subject of time poverty. I especially liked chapter 25 (It would be especially good for business too), which makes a compelling case that less time at work does not mean lower productivity.

excellent book
this is a book long past due. even better than affluenza.

Reading This Book May Change Your Life
Unlike many books of social criticism, this book describes how we can change our own lives and families, as we change our communities and country. The thirty essays cover a range of topics around the issue of 'time poverty.'

Particularly interesting to me were the essays on voluntary simplicity by Vicki Robin and Cecile Andrew. A common theme of several essays is how our role as consumers steals time that we could spend to enrich our lives, families, and communities. Too many of us commute to work to earn the money that we spend while shopping for things that then clutter our homes.

Federal legislation mandating minimum vacations and a shorter work week is unlikely (in the near term), but we can be more mindful of how our behavior as consumers sacrifices our time.

I'm looking forward to October 24, 2004 to celebrate the next Take Back Your Time Day.

A great compilation of essays on a crucial topic
With this book, John de Graaf provides an opportunity to sit down with talented writers and perceptive thinkers, and hear their views on one of society's most pressing problems - time poverty. As we race to produce more stuff - stuff that is poisoning our environment -we lose the time we need to take care of ourselves and our families, particularly those most in need of care, the very young, the very old, and even our pets. As this book shows, Americans' single-minded focus on production comes at the expense of other areas of life that desperately need our time and attention. Children growing up in institutionalized care, pets being dumped at shelters, citizens relinquishing their right to vote, obesity becoming epidemic as fast food replaces home cooking, landfills overflowing with the items we frenetically produce; the list goes on. In addition to viewing the problem from several interesting and diverse perspectives, the book includes essays on possible solutions and provides ways for readers to get involved. Everyone should find the time to read this important and engaging book. ... Read more

Book Description

In a panoramic history of our criminal justice system from colonial times to today, one of our foremost legal thinkers shows how America fashioned a system of crime and punishment in its own image. A Finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in History, 1993. ... Read more

Reviews (3)

a thoughtful essay
This is an illuminating essay on american criminal justice in an historical context aimed at the general reader. I've used it as required reading in my history of criminal justice course, taught annually to a wide variety of adult learners. They have overwhelmingly found it helpful. They bear out my own impression that Friedman's approach is fair-minded and grounded in solid erudition.

Very poor "history"
This is not a history book; it is one long editorial for a left wing view of the criminal justice system. Even when I agreed with Friedman's views, I found his repetitive political claims, given with no factual support, frustrating in a book supposedly reviewing how we got here. Even when Friedman discussed history, he does so without objective support.

Typically, Frieman cites some broad principal and then "proves" it with a single anecdote. Thus, e.g. he claims that police generally "believe in fighting fire with fire", stating "Police brutality was part of a more general system of police power. It rested on a simple credo: the battalions of law and order had the right, if not the duty, to be tough as nails with criminals. Force was the only language the criminal understood." (Pg. 361).

Now, this may very well be a true statement (although again typically Friedman is not clear as to the time period in our history for which he is making the claim) but it is hardly proven as a general proposition by the evidence that Friedman provides: a single story about a street cop named McCloy who in December 1914 in Brooklyn apparently knocked out an "eighteen-year old no-good" named Peter Gaimano with McCloy's nightstick after Gaimano struck at the officer with a blackjack and ran.

The book goes on for almost 500 pages in this vein, along the way making clear Friedman's hostility to criminal prosecutions of almost every kind. Through it all, he offers no alternatives to the systems that he deplores.

Whatever, if the reader is looking for history (as versus social commentary), I strongly recommend you look elsewhere.

A good, thought-provoking history
"Crime and Punishment in American History", by Lawrence Friedman, was definitely interesting and thought-provoking. It is just technical enough in detail and substance to give an intimate feel for the specifics of the subject matter, but still geared enough toward the more uninitiated in the field of criminal justice (such as myself) so as to not come off as boorish or formidable. Friedman does an excellent job of documenting the evolution of American criminal justice, both the mechanics of law and punishment, and also the cultural motivations behind the evolution. In places, especially towards the end of the book where he deals with 20th century material, he seems to display somewhat of a "ho