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| 161. The Changing Role of Unions: New Forms of Representation (Issues in Work and Human Resources) by Phanindra V. Wunnava | |
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| 162. The Betrayal of Work: How Low-Wage Jobs Fail 30 Million Americans and Their Families by Beth Shulman | |
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Book Description An astonishing 35 million Americans work full time but do not make a living wage. They are nursing home staff, poultry processors, pharmacy assistants, ambulance drivers, child care workers, data entry keyers, janitors. Indeed, one in four American workers lives in or near poverty. Despite the great wealth of the United States, these low-wage employees have lower living standards than comparable workers in other industrial nations. Beth Shulman spent several years traveling across the country talking to those living on low wages. In writing The Betrayal of Work, she provides the fullest portrait of America's working poor, dispelling a number of myths along the way: that lower unemployment has meant better living conditions for the poor; that making bad jobs into good jobs requires insurmountably difficult reforms; that low-wage work is always low-skilled. Following in the footsteps of Barbara Ehrenreich's bestselling Nickel and Dimed, The Betrayal of Work is sure to be one of the most talked about public policy books of the year. Reviews (4)
She does make several incisive points, though. Contrary to what many of us believe, there is very little mobility out of low wage work, even if one works hard. Also, low wage earners in most other affluent countries are significantly better off than their counterparts in the U.S., which is touted as the Land of Opportunity. This book, for all its shortcomings, did make me think differently about low wage earners and the problems they face, but if you're only going to read one book on the subject, I'd recommend Nickel and Dimed.
Of course, Shulman has an agenda, but it is one backed up by facts, quoted in her book and elsewhere. It is undebatably true that the job situation in the US is changing for the worse, and it doesn't take this book, or others, to prove it, but simple observation. However, it is great to see many of the facts I've heard so many times elsewhere collected in a single volume. Sadly, Shulman is probably preaching to the converted. While I agree with every point in the book, its doubtful a Conservative or corporate-apologist would -- but then again, they are the ones who got us in this mess and are profiting from it, so what do they care? For me, this book makes me want to read more, so I think I'll check out "Nickled and Dimed" now....
The book does use extensive documentation from left-wing sources but the author also uses many anecdotes. In Ms. Shulman's world there are only hard-working oppressed employees and greedy slothful employers. Many of the methods that enhance efficiency in the market (such as monitoring employee performance) are dismissed as cruel and oppressive. Some of Ms. Shulman's concerns and suggested corrections are perhaps worthwhile, but many aren't. More importantly, she completely dismissed or ignores some obvious trade offs. Shulman often contrasts better aspects of European labor markets with the US but never addresses their biggest drawback, higher unemployment, apparently assuming widespread equality and opportunity for all can be legislated despite years of trying without success. She may believe that low-wage workers might be better off on a generous public assistance system than in the workforce, but even that would be of no value to millions of immigrants, for whom she claims to be an advocate. This book is really a road map for perhaps more leveled economy but one with far less opportunity for ambitious and aspiring workers at all income levels. ... Read more | |
| 163. Our Separate Ways: Black and White Women and the Struggle for Professional Identity by Ella L. J. Edmondson Bell, Stella M. Nkomo | |
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Book Description Although successful professional women come from widely diverse family backgrounds, educational experiences, and community values, they share a common assumption upon entering the workforce: "I have a chance." Along the way, however, they discover that people question their authority, challenge their intelligence, and discount their ideas. And while gender is a common denominator among these women, race and class are often wedges between them. In Our Separate Ways, you will find candid discussions about stereotypes, learn how black women's early experiences affect their attitudes in the business world, become aware of how white women have-perhaps unwittingly-aligned themselves more often with white men than with black women, and see ways that our country continues to come to terms with diversity in all of its dimensions. Whether you are a human resources director wondering why you're having trouble retaining black women, a white female manager considering the role of race in your office, or a black female manager searching for perspective, you will find fresh insights about how black and white women's struggles differ and encounter provocative ideas for creating a better workplace environment for everyone. Reviews (8)
Folks who need not spend their working hours "fitting in" contribute (A) more (B) less to the organization. Leaders who accept their people for who and what they are get (A) more (B) less from their subordinates. Guess where the authors suggest the readers take their outfits.
The only reason I didn't give this book 5 stars is that I wanted more in-depth analysis of how the White female managers confronted the idea of Black women as equals (and not just on the job), something I've experienced that White women have a difficult time doing in the workplace.
The only reason I didn't give this book 5 stars is that I wanted more in-depth analysis of how the White female managers confronted the idea of Black women as equals (and not just on the job), something I've experienced that White women have a difficult time doing in the workplace.
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| 164. You Could Be Fired for Reading This Book: Protect Your Employment Rights by Glenn Solomon | |
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| 165. Theoretical Perspectives On Work And The Employment Relationship (Industrial Relations Research Association) | |
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| 166. Steelworker Alley: How Class Works in Youngstown by Robert Bruno | |
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our price: $18.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0801486009 Catlog: Book (1999-05-01) Publisher: Cornell University Press Sales Rank: 277106 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (2)
You don't have to bea steelworker or from Youngstown to enjoy this book. Bruno's Yongstownis recognizable to all no mater where you live. His portait of his hometown captures his family and neighbors who come alive in this interesting new work. Moreover, he has something to say and hesays it well! ... Read more | |
| 167. Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic: Volume 1, Commerce and Compromise, 1820-1850 by John Ashworth | |
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our price: $25.99 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0521479940 Catlog: Book (1996-01-26) Publisher: Cambridge University Press Sales Rank: 750236 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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The author clearly reveals the points at which the slave system was in inner conflict and shows how the southern attempts to provide an intellectual defense of slavery were doomed to fail because of the conflicts and tensions within the southern class system. He goes on to detail the ideology and the foundations of the Jacksonian Democrats, the Whig Party, and the Republican Party and in the process gives the reader a balanced perspective on the forces that led to the Civil War. This is a book that should be read by anyone interested in why the two sections of the country were so different and came to think of themselves as different peoples. ... Read more | |
| 168. Crossing the Great Divide: Worker Risk and Opportunity in the New Economy by Vicki Smith | |
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Book Description Crossing the Great Divide uses original case study data from four diverseorganizational settings around the country. Smith compares the situations ofnonunionized, white-collar workers at a photocopy service firm; unionized blue- collar workers in a wood-products processing factory; temporary assemblers andclerical workers in a high-tech firm; and unemployed managers, technicalworkers, and professionals participating in a job search club. The very different experiences revealed in Crossing the Great Divide highlightthe way diverse new relationships between companies and their employees play outin workplaces, where new forms of work organization simultaneously createopportunity, instability, and risk for workers. Smith's goal is to construct anew framework of employment that accommodates the unpredictability andturbulence of the 21st century, but that is also "characterized at its core byattachment, reward, protection, commitment, and dignity." | |
| 169. Your Child in Film & Television by Allison Cohee | |
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| 170. The Business of Charity: The Woman's Exchange Movement, 1832-1900 (Women in American History) by Kathleen Waters Sander | |
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our price: $42.50 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 025202401X Catlog: Book (1998-09-01) Publisher: University of Illinois Press Sales Rank: 760669 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (1)
The women's exchange movement provided relief for previously "genteel" women suddenly or graduallyreduced to circumstances bordering on desperation. In more than 70 American cities, a system of consignment retail shops was set up in which The women's industrial exchange movement was remarkable for its ingenuity and its imagination, and also for its longevity.Today, women's industrial exchange tea rooms and other facilities still operate and function, in some situations (as in Baltimore, Maryland) in facilities more than a century old. At the dawn of the 21st century, the model and mentality of the women's industrial movement, described well by Dr. Sander, is a shining light of hope for impoverished people in a world where protections against capitalistic rapacityand greed are clearly disappearing completely.Neither government nor disappearing "benefits" (retirement pensions, health insurance, etc.) offered by companies to gullible employees seem likely to protect vulnerable people any longer.The loss of government promised "benefits" in all catagories seems very likely for the great majority of citizens as the new century progresses. Self-help actions independent of government and employers alike seem the best hope.The women's industrial exchange movement of the 19th century is a splendid model of how independent self-help action can work.It's truly inspiring, and a detailed history of its origins, successes, problems, and management such as that offered by Dr. Kathleen Sander is worth reading. ... Read more | |
| 171. Studs Terkel's Working: A Teaching Guide by Rick Ayers, Studs Terkel | |
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| 172. Korean Workers: The Culture and Politics of Class Formation by Hagen Koo | |
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Koo's book about working-class formation in Korea shows and analyzes how progressive and sometiems militant working-class movement of a large scale has been possible and grown up as a major political force in one of the East Asian countires which often have been well known for their docility of labor forces under conservative political rule. This book has several merits: 1) it shows the process of working-class formation in the context of contemporary Korean development. Many books about Korean development have been written mainly in an economistic way. This book reveals people's lives and voices more realistically in the historical process. 2) while describing the historical process, Koo also tries to put his arguments on the theoretical base of weorking-class formation, especially E. P. Thompson. I think his way of doing this is very successful in this book. 3) Many books about working-class formation are mainly about the histories in the European context or Latin America. This book shows uniquely how the process has happened in the context of East Asian development. His book is not only describing but also theoretical and analytical. And his book does not lose both academic rigidity as well as sympathy for workers' movement for social progress. With in-depth interviews of labor movement activists and the use of many domestic materials, Koo also could escape superficial observations and dry abstraction. I find that this is one of the great books not only about contemporary Korean society but also about global working-class history. Additionally, regarding informative social (movement) history of Korea of the same period, I strongly recommend Nancy abelmann's book about famers' movement and Sunhyunk Kim's book about civil movements. ... Read more | |
| 173. Who's Qualified? (New Democracy Forum) by Joshua Cohen, Joel Rogers, Lani Guinier | |
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| 174. The Next Upsurge: Labor and the New Social Movements by Dan Clawson | |
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Book Description The new forms may create a labor movement that breaks down the boundaries between "union" and "community" or between work and family issues. Clawson finds that this is already happening in some parts of the labor movement: labor has endorsed global justice and opposed war in Iraq, student activists combat sweatshops, unions struggle for immigrant rights. Innovative campaigns of this sort, Clawson shows, create new strategiesdetermined by workers rather than union organizersthat redefine the very meaning of the labor movement. The Next Upsurge presents a range of examples from attempts to replace "macho" unions with more feminist models to campaigns linking labor and community issues and attempts to establish cross-border solidarity and a living wage. Reviews (1)
In the 1990s some unions took advantage of the community support systems of "ghettoized" Latinos and blacks doing low-wage service work to apply militant pressure and win labor contracts for such workers as janitors, nursing home attendants, and dry-wall workers, etc. In a different vein, Harvard clerical workers were able to develop a potent solidarity over the course of fifteen painstaking years of developing relationships resulting in a unique and cooperative contract with Harvard University. However, few workers now live in small urban communities where many may work for the same or similar employers. Suburbanization has undermined that key basis of worker solidarity. The focus on immigrant communities and unique organizing situations seems to write off the vast majority of American workers. The author casts a longing eye on the civil and feminist movements of the past as possible paradigms for a renewed labor movement. But he does not acknowledge the fundamental difference between movements trying to exercise basic political rights and one that is cast as infringing on private property rights, which is exactly how corporations view unionization drives. The Civil Rights movement led to general public pressure to stop the deprivation of basic rights to all citizens. Any number of other movements such as the 1960s anti-war movement, the environmental movement, and more recently the anti-sweatshop movement has successfully illuminated various flaws or hypocrisies in our political and economic systems. However, none of those movements has posed a fundamental challenge to the capitalistic economic system. In the decades prior to WWI, before the resurgence of labor in the 1930s, sizeable segments of the American working class were well aware that capitalism took away control of their economic destinies. The Knights of Labor, the IWW, and the socialists all contested this loss of control. But their influence had largely disappeared by the late 1920s. It was, in fact, the extreme excesses of capitalism, coupled with the fact of an urbanized working class, which led to the resurgence of labor in 1930s. Despite unemployment rates of 30 percent, the state and economic elites were able to contain discontent by creating a labor relations system whereby unions partnered with management in a social accord where adequate wages and benefits were the quid pro quo for restraining worker activism. The grievance systems found in most bargaining agreements were elementary forms of workplace systems of justice. However, in no sense, did workers achieve democracy within workplaces. What is to be learned about the labor upsurge of the 1930s? As noted, a sizeable minority of the working class gained mostly material benefits along with some job security. But a majority of the working class was not included in this compact, especially blacks and women. Was there a transformation in the political thought of the working class? At best, this labor upsurge resulted in a short lived, mildly social democratic slant in the larger political system. In the last 30 years the American working class has supported politicians who have constructed a global neoliberal system that has been highly detrimental to their interests. A key theme in the book is that had the labor movement joined with social movements over the past decades, the economic terrain would now be favorable to workers. But the constituencies and relationship to the remainder of society of unions and single issue movements are sufficiently different to call into question any synergistic joining together. The author continues this theme by calling for a "fusion" of labor with progressive movements. Other than a few isolated instances of labor-community actions and some middle-class college kids smearing egg on the face of some oblivious college administrators, the nature of how this fusion would work is not addressed. Actually, some critics see serious shortcomings in emphasizing the mobilization of close-knit communities in union campaigns, calling it "militancy without democracy." Worker democracy to many is no less than the full participation of workers or elected representatives in most workplace decision making. This author, like most labor advocates, does not address whether American labor unions effectively serve the interests of the working class. The labor-friendly institutions of European social democracies provide one measuring standard. A combination of labor-influenced political parties, works councils, and active employment policies surpass the minimalist American system. Furthermore, those bodies and structures serve the entire working class and not the small minority found in American unions. European unions operate within the confines of this system. In addition, labor commentators seldom comment on the political sophistication and participation of the American working class. Given the fact that economic and political elites have generally constructed a political and economic system that immensely benefits them, it is difficult to understand a labor strategy that does not directly and substantially attempt to transform that system. Ad hoc organizing or single issue mobilizations are unlikely to substantially alter the status quo. The reader is left wondering what is the basis for any sort of progressive upsurge. The forces and thinking for such an upsurge simply do not exist. The labor movement has not in 80 years led a radical challenge to the current economic system that favors the few over the many. Of course, if unemployment ever reaches 30 percent again, there will be an upsurge of some type. But the author's suggestion of an upsurge is not based on that occurring. ... Read more | |
| 175. Expert Resumes for Computer and Web Jobs by Wendy Enelow, Louise Kursmark | |
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| 176. Working in America: A Blueprint for the New Labor Market by Paul Osterman, Thomas A. Kochan, Richard M. Locke, Michael J. Piore | |
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our price: $13.60 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0262650622 Catlog: Book (2002-09-09) Publisher: The MIT Press Sales Rank: 510042 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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| 177. The Road Winds Uphill All the Way: Gender, Work, and Family in the United States and Japan by Myra H. Strober, Agnes Miling Kaneko Chan | |
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Stober and Chan maintain that theeconomic position of women in the United States bears a number of uncannysimilarities to that of Japanese women. This is one of a number ofdisconcerting conclusions they draw from a study of the Stanford and Tokyo(Todai) University graduating classes of 1981, surveyed roughly a decadeafter graduation. Readers interested in the details of campus life in thesetwo schools will come away disappointed, but those seeking to learn whathappened to the graduates later in life will be richly rewarded. The book focuses on the difficulty of combining work and family for thoseentering, or seeking to enter, the highest echelons of the professions andmanagement.Strober and Chan recognize the distinctiveness of their elitesample, but this is clearly an important group.They typically set thetrends for their respective societies, and will likely formulate thework-family policies that govern the daily work routines of theircountry-men and women. Strober and Chan recall their personalchild-care dilemmas after returning to work in Washington, D. C. and Tokyo,respectively. Their stories immediately draw the reader into the questionof which country poses a greater array of obstacles for working mothers toovercome. Yet it is the statistical similarities between Japan and the U.S. that Strober and Chan return to throughout the book. Thefemale-male ratio of earnings for full time earners ten years aftergraduation was .80 for the Stanford graduates, nearly identical to the .79ratio found in the Todai sample. Moreover, men and women in bothcountries expected the gender gap to widen as their careers unfolded.Whenrespondents were asked what they expected to earn at the peak of theircareers, the female/ male ratio is a dramatic .459 in the Stanford sampleand .548 in the Todai sample. In other words, women graduating from thesetop-ranked schools expected to make about half as much as their malecounterparts at the peak of their careers. A number ofcountervailing differences account for these similarities. Todai women werea small and very elite group, which contributed to a smaller gap in theTodai sample. At the same time, earnings inequality is narrower in Japanthan in the United States, which tends to mute the gender gap in earnings.On the other hand, child care options are broader in the United States, butstill far from adequate. Stanford women reported more numerous child careoptions, and were less likely to experience career interruptions afterchildbirth. Some Todai mothers reported being forced to quit their jobsafter the birth of a child, an experience not mentioned by the Stanfordwomen. Who took care of the children? It depends on who you ask.Just over half of the Stanford fathers reported sharing child care equallywith their wives when they were not at work, but only thirty percent oftheir female counterparts reported being in such marriages. This gap growsto 56 percent versus 21 percent among Stanford parents working full time.Responses to the slightly different child care question posed to the Todaisample suggests an even lower level of participation by men in parenting.Most of the Todai fathers (60 percent) said they spend less than half oftheir free time on their children, while nearly all (97 percent) of theworking Todai mothers said they spend half or more of their free time withtheir children. There are many other interesting analyses,including an examination of the effect of relative earnings on the share ofhousework in the two samples, and the determinants of earnings.Thebargaining model of housework appears to fit the U. S. data but receiveslittle support in the Japanese analysis. Working in a large firm shapedearnings in Japan: women were less likely to be employed in these firms,and received a lower premium when they did.Male Stanford graduates fromupper-class backgrounds earned significantly more than their classmates.Analysts of gender, earnings, and family relations will find many suchinteresting results to ponder. The Japanese birth rate (1.57children per woman ) is well below the replacement level.Strober and Chansuggest that policy changes should be made to help make it more feasiblefor women to combine work with motherhood. They recommend efforts to reducegender discrimination and occupational segregation, and call for moreflexible employment and high quality child care. They recommend similarreforms in the United States, which are aimed at promoting gender equityrather than fertility levels. This thoughtful and timely bookdeserves a wide audience. Clearly written, it isaccessible to the generalpublic, upper-level undergraduates and graduate students. The presentationof the survey results and statistical findings are supplemented withinformative quotations from the respondents.Its policy recommendationsflow directly from the meticulously documented findings. This work shouldprovide further impetus to comparative research on gender inequality. Reviewed by Jerry A. Jacobs, Professor of Sociology, University ofPennsylvania ... Read more | |
| 178. Who Benefits from State and Local Economic Development Policies? (CLOTH edition) by Timothy J. Bartik | |
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Reviews (2)
"A manual of sorts for any region across the country frustrated by high unemployment and declining wages."
"Perhaps the best information available anywhere on econometric estimation of causal relationships between state and local public policy initiatives and purported economic development outcomes."
"A manual of sorts for any region across the country frustrated by high unemployment and declining wages."
"Perhaps the best information anywhere on the econometric estimation of causal relationships between state and local public policy initiatives and purported local economic development outcomes." | |
| 179. Labor Pains: Inside America's New Union Movement by Suzan Erem | |
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Book Description The role of the unions is defined mainly by larger economic and political agendas. While keeping these agendas clearly in sight, Erem focuses primarily on aspects of the life of the union which often remain hidden. The personal crises of union members become entangled in the work of the union. The energies of the union are focused not only on winning gains from bosses but also on maintaining internal cohesion and morale among workers. Barriers of race, age and gender are constantly negotiated and overcome, and conflicts flare up across them at moments of tension. And union life goes on not only when the workers have made their point, or won a victory, but after defeat as well. The personalities and ambitions of union organizers converge at times and become a source of tension at others. Each individual within the larger collective has their own task of finding a viable balance between public and private selves. These intersecting lines of force are imaginatively recreated in this book. Erem writes as a woman in a union movement which is dominated by men; as the child of immigrants in a movement whose members are increasingly immigrants themselves; as one who finds herself in the racial no man's land between black and white. While never underestimating the obstacles in the way of the union movement, she makes a powerful and passionate case for organizing the unorganized and empowering the powerless. Reviews (2)
Suzan Erem's book, Labor Pains, is unusual in that it makes us live through the beginnings of that movement. We don't just read about it; Erem's writing has the ability to bring you into it and you see if from the inside -- warts and all. She does this by conncecting with reader not as an activist or leader -- but as a human being. The labor movement is made up of human beings who have the same problems and concerns that everyone else has, including raising children, paying the rent and even keeping warm during the long Chicago winter. It has been a shortcoming of writing about labor that the authors seem to think that the only humans are the "objects" of the organizing drives, the potential and actual bargaining unit employees, except, of course, when they have something bad to say about the leaders. Erem doesn't have something bad to say -- or something good, for that matter. She just tells it as it is. Yes, the movement is made up of men and women struggling to create a better world, but these men and women can -- like everyone else -- be motivated by racism or nationalism, sexism and careerism. Not to say that is to patronize the reader and to call into question all of the "happy" truths of the movement. Those interested in the new labor movement can balance the truth about our humanity with the fact of our commitment. I especially recommend this book to those many young people who come to the movement with high hopes of making a difference. It says that you have good reason for those hopes, but here are some landmines to avoid. These readers will all thank Erem for sharing the shortcomings of our activists and our movement -- including her own --with them, while also confirming that their hope to make a difference by organizing working people into unions is still well placed.
Labor Pains is a good read and a thoughtful and perceptive description of the work of a labor organizer for SEIU Local 73. The author, Suzan Erem, is a woman with the soul of a poet who fought on behalf of workers to organize. Much that I had read previously about such efforts to establish and maintain unions has been either inspirational, like the splendid song of the French Revolution, the Marseillaise, or tedious, like descriptions of Madam Lafarge's knitting. This is neither: it is the well-observed descriptive account of activities of a dedicated witness to, and participant in, the efforts by the labor movement to secure power and justice. In some senses it is about love and perhaps even the ecstasy of the moment but more important it is as the title, Labor Pains, perceptively suggests, about what comes after the love and the moment and before the exhilarating and painful moment of birth. Labor Pains is about Suzan Erem's moments of discomfort and doubt. It is also about her persistence and her effort to maintain balance and idealism. She does not always succeed and tells us about the failure of her marriage and the organizing efforts that didn't work. But she also provides graphic descriptions of efforts that did work and the pleasure she took in those moments. Erem is particularly good at describing the people she worked with and the role of the media in the struggle to organize. Her primary job was not only to organize, but also to get the story out. The story is not always happy or glamorous but it is well described. In one scene a small band of organizers hang a banner over an overpass to draw the media's attention to a strike they are organizing against a Chicago hospital. It is a very cold early winter Chicago morning on Lake Shore Drive and the effort seems almost futile, perhaps crazy. But it works and the media event draws attention to the union's struggle and helps in the winning effort organize the hospital and bring about an improved wage scale and other benefits through the protection of the union. Erem describes her work in the labor movement both as an attempt to "scratch our mark on history" and to tell the story of the workers, a story that might otherwise not be told. She has done this well in Labor Pains and she has also told us her own story. It was a story worth telling. I expect she will have more stories to tell us. ... Read more | |
| 180. Trade Unions, Immigration, and Immigrants in Europe, 1960-1993: A Comparative Study of the Attitudes and Actions of Trade Unions in Seven West Europea ... ies (International Studies in Social History) by Rinus Penninx, Judith Roosblad | |
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