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| 181. Breaking Away from the Textbook: Creative Ways to Teach World History, Vol. 2 by Ron H. Pahl | |
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| 182. Jura by Peter Youngson | |
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| 183. In Defense of History by Richard J. Evans | |
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Book Description Reviews (5)
For all this I don't think that Evans says much for all the ink he has spilt. What perseveres through Evans' prose is nothing more (but perhaps nothing more is needed) than Evans' belief that we can do history, we can get at what happened in the past and we can deal critically, and beneficially, with the materials at our disposal. Evans writes what amounts to a defence of "doing history" as oppsed to theorising about history. Indeed, Evans is not hot on theory (he should perhaps steer clear of it in future) and his less than ample interaction with his opponents of the postmodernist persuasion in this book suggests to this reader that he is more of a distant acquaitance of their work than an intimate. A historian's rule of thumb comes into play here: if they mention something but don't interact with it to any great degree then assume they don't really know much about it. Evans is largely an irenic and uncontroversial supporter of a broadly conservative historical approach. He is in defence of all the traditional (that is, post-Enlightenment) things such as "facts", "objectivity" and "truth" whilst espousing a weak acceptance of some postmodernist proposals. Evans' usual trick here is to claim that actually the benefits of a lightly-worn postmodernism (such as accepting that historians affect and colour their own historical researches) are actually things that all real historians knew all along anyway. This is a neat, if obvious, trick and sometimes he almost gets away with it. I have one major complaint. Evans repeatedly refers to "postmodernist hyper-relativism" but he never tells us what this is either briefly or, which would be more satisfactory, in detail. Once again, Evans might be proffering a phantom menace. At the very least it allows us, story-like, to conjure up our own historical demon to fight against as we read. In the end one is left with the conviction that theorists should theorise and historians like Evans should get on with DOING history. Personally I think that Evans' history books are a better defence of "history" (whatever that is, again he never defines) than this book turns out to be.
The deconstructionist critique of history, however, has important insights to offer, however. "History" in its classic form, is a dramatic, interpretative narrative. A simple-minded claim to "objectivity" in history is unsupportable; the "objects" of real events are incredibly numerous, long-gone and did not really occur within a context of future events. "History" is always highly selective in retelling events, and always looking for meaning, drawn from subsequent events. ("The historian remembers the future and imagines the past.") Evans will not or cannot let loose or revise his belief in "objectivity" as a standard of value, however, and rails against the deconstructionists as "extreme relativists" for trying to make him consider it. Without fully crediting the deconstructionists, he adopts their methods to demolish the pretentious historiography of a previous generation, represented (on the left) by Edward H. Carr and (on the right) by Geoffrey Elton. Although it is clear that he aspires to provide a replacement for the classic works of Carr and Elton, for use in graduate seminars everywhere, the book he provides leaves much to be desired. Comfortable with the methods of the professional interpreter and processor of historical source material, and defensive of the value of those methods, he seems to be at a bit of loss, when it comes to the methods of composing a narrative. (It is, of course, at this higher level of abstraction, where the deconstructionists have aimed their missiles.) Rather lamely, he ends his book, with the defiant assertion, ". . . I will look humbly at the past and say, despite them all: it really happened, and we really can, if we are very scrupulous and careful and self-critical, find out how it did and reach some tenable conclusions about what it all meant." I cannot help, feeling great disappointment. Mistaking the deconstructionist criticism as "relativism," he has foregone the opportunity to really come to grips with the fundamental nature of the historical enterprise. What is the nature of "historical truth"? It is certainly not "objective" in any simple-minded sense. No historian can be without a point of view, nor should any be allowed to pretend to be. The meaningful interconnections created by a dramatic narrative have no correspondence with any observable "event" in the past -- they could not possibly have such a correspondence, for a variety of reasons, literary and scientific. (Hume established that the operation of cause and effect are never directly observable in the 18th century! You don't have to be a post-modernist to see that the "truth" of history can be problematic.) Evidently too frightened by these challenges to think, Evans brands the deconstructionists as extreme relativists, and proceeds to demolish the value of extreme relativism. Evans spends a lot of time shooting fish in the barrel of "extreme relativism," without realizing that the postmodernists and deconstructionists are not swimming in that barrel. He delights in turning the methods of deconstructionist critique on the critics, demonstrating to his own satisfaction, if no one else's, that the deconstructionists are hypocrits at best, for denying "any" value, and then turning around and asserting the value of their own frameworks. It never seems to occur to him that the deconstructionists, despite their glib provocations, are not hypocrits, because they are not, in fact, extreme relativists. Failing to tackle the epistemological challenges, Evans misses the opportunity to begin laying a solid foundation for historiography. It is terribly unfortunate, because he has intelligence, wit and the great advantage of professional competence and experience, all of which are evident throughout this book. He offers some useful insights and comments along the way, and his passion is evident. I still wish that,instead of the courage of his convictions, he had shown more courage to question his convictions.
Of special interest to students of history like myself is the section "The History of History." This chapter chronicles and examines the various historical methods such as Rankean document analysis. Evans mounts a thorough defense of history by exposing post-modernism's inherent contradictions. For instance, post-modernism crumbles when its reliance on relativism is applied to itself. For example, if absolute relativism is correct, Holocaust deniers and racists construct history just as accurate as anyone else. Furthermore, post-modernists criticize historians for using the past to advance their own agendas while at the same time doing likewise! One need only look at how "black studies" makes ludicrous, historically implausible claims presumably in an attempt to raise African American student's self-esteem. However, I think that Evans may be too respectful toward the post-modernists. These so-called scholars are intellectually dishonest. Their supposed contributions to the close examination of documents have been around for nearly two centuries (1830). Please consider "The Truth of History" by C. Behan McCullagh and "The Killing of History" by Keith Windschuttle for additional reading. Note: I use the term post-modernist, but similar terms like "post-structuralist", "cultural studies", and so forth mean the same thing. Academic fashion among post-modernists helps brush critiques of post-modernism aside (e.g. "post-modernism is out of date").
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| 184. The Everything Civil War Book: Everything You Need to Know About the War That Divided the Nation (Everything Series) by Donald Vaughan | |
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| 185. To the Finland Station: A Study in the Writing and Acting of History (New York Review Books Classics) by Edmund Wilson, Louis Menand (Introduction) | |
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He explains just what he found so great about Michelet as a historian and then happily goes on to write his own history in the same style. As a reading experience, TTFS is by turns sly, informative, moving and funny. Wilson incorporates anecdotes from the lives of his history's characters, but I never had the feeling that he was distracting me with funny stories. I felt like I learned an enormous amount from reading the book, but I never felt lectured to. Best of all was the feeling of Wilson himself leaning over your shoulder commenting on the history-- I liked the tone of the man (critic) that came through as commentary on the people he was discussing. He was definitely present, though not intrusive. The only thing I missed was footnotes-- the version that I was reading was old (1960) and there wasn't anything in the way of footnotes or bibliography provided. I hope that the newer versions are annotated, because it cost me some time tracking down books which Wilson was referring to. A must-read.
Warmly recommended.
Edmund Wilson has suffered the same fate as the book, which is equally as curious. Of course, he was not as notorious as literary figure as one of his 20th century colleagues, H.L Mencken, who is still largely in print and in vogue, but Wilson so towers over all of his contemporaries that it is indeed mysterious that he has fallen into relative obscurity both as a writer and as a critic, as well. Yet Wilson was truly a renaissance figure, a gifted and talented poet, playwright, novelist, historian, and critical reviewer for a variety of magazines and periodicals such as the New Yorker, Vanity Fair, and The New Republic, a man able to articulate his position with regard to a plethora of social and political issues with great power and verve. Yet it was in tomes such as this that he achieved his greatest powers of exposition, in this penetrating, quite detailed, and absorbing review of all the chief philosophical, political, social and economic elements of the chief architects of the Soviet revolution. Wilson had been a great student and admirer of the collected works of Karl Marx, and brought his immense intellectual and reporting skills to bear in describing the men, the ideas, and the issues of the so-called October revolution of 1918. It is the single best source of information regarding all of the various components of the massively important revolutionary process, neatly synthesizing the ways in which the various personalities, political circumstances, philosophical predispositions, and historical happenstance combined in the moist unlikely of revolutions in what Karl Marx considered one of the least likely of states, one so rural, so backward, and so vastly composed of uneducated ragged proletariat. And in this stunning exploration we find new reason to understand and appreciate the power of individual personalities in the historical process, and the way that exceptional figures like Lenin, Trotsky, and Stalin, and the ways in which various aspects of Marxist theory were used and abused in promulgating what would become Soviet socialism's dogmatic approach to creating a worker's paradise. As we thread our way through the particulars of Marxian theory Wilson is so intricately familiar with, we begin to understand his fascination with both Marx's genius and the subtleties of Marx's exposition. Too many of us forget how bastardized and vulgarized the versions of Marxism promulgated by Stalin were, and how much they worked against the inexorable truths Marx found ticking away in the universal time-clock he saw operating behind history's time. So, too, is Wilson's examination of Lenin a wondrous thing to read through, with his thoughtful if perhaps too sympathetic explanations of Lenin's goals, motives, and frustrations in trying to set the revolution on course and on-mark with the needs of the modern socialist state he envisioned to grow from the original seizure of power. Unfortunately, he never lived to see the radical experiment through to its fruition, nor the fateful poisoning of the spirit of the revolution accomplished by Stalin in his paranoid and sociopathic manipulations and purges. This is an absolutely magnetic reading experience, one that will illustrate just how powerfully and how memorably a writer with extraordinary gifts and an incredible intellectual acumen can be. I highly recommend this book for anyone aspiring to a serious education about the events of the 20th century, of which the Soviet revolution of October 1918 is certainly an extraordinarily important part. Enjoy!
Anyone who wants to know what it means to be a writer should read this book, regardless of his or her interest in the subject. As night follows from day, those who are interested should read it, as well. It is a perfect illustration for one who believes that how a story is told is ever as important as the story, itself, and who wants to study an example where both are exceptional. The content will prove valuable to anyone concerned with modern world history.
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| 186. Doing Oral History: A Practical Guide by Donald A. Ritchie | |
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This is a very complete and very practical guide to the processes and thinking of our country's oral historians from an author who's been in the middle of some pretty interesting stories. ... Read more | |
| 187. History and Memory by Jacques Le Goff, Steven Rendall, Elizabeth Claman | |
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| 188. On Revolution (Penguin Twentieth-Century Classics) by Hannah Arendt | |
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| 189. The Old World and the New : 1492-1650 (Canto) by J. H. Elliott | |
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| 190. Decline of the West: Volume I, Form and Actuality | |
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Book Description The abridgment, prepared by the German scholar Helmut Werner, with the blessing of the Spengler estate, consists of selections from the original (translated into English by Charles Francis Atkinson) linked by explanatory passages which have been put into English by Arthur Helps. H. Stuart Hughes has written a new introduction for this edition. In this engrossing and highly controversial philosophy of history, Spengler describes how we have entered into a centuries-long "world-historical" phase comparable to late antiquity. Guided by the philosophies of Goethe and Nietzsche, he rejects linear progression, and instead presents a world view based on the cyclical rise and decline of civilizations.He argues that a culture blossoms from the soil of a definable landscape and dies when it has exhausted all of its possibilities. Despite Spengler's reputation today as an extreme pessimist, The Decline of the West remains essential reading for anyone interested in the history of civilization. Reviews (28)
There are scholarly contrasts to Spengler's study. William McNeill's 'Rise of the West' provides a direct challenge to many of its conclusions. Gibbon's 'Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire' or Werner Jaeger's 'Paedeia' (on Greek classical culture) might be good comparative reference books, but these have now been relegated in public familiarity to dusty and esoteric academic departments. Spengler's work, however, falls squarely and uniquely into the realm of a great work of the Deist tradition of Western social philosophy, from which its reputation for skepticism comes. Its apparent mysticism emanates from the deep investigation into the intellectual attitude of the Western mind. There are, of course, other traditions in the 'Western' mix which have broad and predictive implications. This opus should not be misconstrued of as a work of pessimism. Constructive action and faith are, in fact, its basis for the prospect of vigorous and sustained regeneration of the human cause. This is an exacting study. It requires a critical attitude to penetrate and to see that it has a fundamentally human and hopeful (and debatable) message. Decline of the West does in fact provide drama, grandeur, context and understanding to the sweep of history. It is accessible, though, to the determined general reader and constitutes a significant contribution to 20th Century thought. Those who do not learn from history are bound to repeat it.
In the early 1920s, before Hitler was heard from and after WW I, Spengler wrote a little article in which he stated his definition of The West, gave an appraisal of its then current health and gave a prescription for its survival. He said in this article that the German defeat in the Great War (WW I of course) was the first great step in the decline of the West via its subordination to the "colored world". Spengler stated that the SINGLE hope for the survival of the West was "The Prussian spirit, not only in Germany but in other countries as well." He went on to say that the "next war" would determine whether the West lived or died. It is, looking back, as if Spengler wrote the history of WW II in advance, with the ending he seems to have expected but not wanted, omitted. It is interesting to ask the degree to which Roosevelt, Churchill and Hitler were aware of themselves playing out roles in Spengler's vision, with hopes of saving or destroying the West as Spengler defined it. It is tempting to think so. British and American war policy, the fire-bombing of Dresden as the best bit of evidence, seems specifically bent upon destroying Spengler's West. It seems, on the other hand, that Hitler's extreme rish-taking was driven by a vision that now was the time to save the West, which would be soon destroyed if not now preserved for the years to come. Spengler's race-based view of decline appears to be the rotting away of the "Transendental Aesthetic" to use Kant's term. The presence of large numbers of non-Europeans in London and Amsterdam today seems to support Spengler's argument in the article I cited, but as an overall theory about the decline of Civilizations Toynbee's "Nemesis of Creativity" (control over creativity being in hands not supportive of the civilization)seems more generally appealing than Spengler's biological model. Perhaps they are both right. Or both wrong.
But, polemics apart, "The Decline of the West" is a major opus, indeed a masterwork, with a dense text full of a very Spenglerianian terminology and new concepts, which added lustre to the difficult task the translator faced and settled in the best possible way. After reading the first pages, the reader realizes that he is facing the work of a man of genius, of a man endowed with a polymath knowledge and with appetite for solving the puzzles of Western History, which he revisited and intended to set to a new course. His thinker of choice is Goethe, to whom he acknowledges the foundations of his thinking, being Goethe, in Spengler's view, the first and the only one who, despite not being a philosopher in the strict sense of the world, truly understood, via the mechanism of analogies, how the Western world ascended to its present condition and would eventually fall, in the way it happened earlier with the Classic antiquity of Greece & Rome. The myth to be atacked is that Civilization is a step forward in the development of the human race, being Civilization a word that, in Oswald Spengler's view is synonimous with decadence or rather absence of Culture. The idea that the Western world is a development of things happened in classical antiquity is, again in Spengler's views, fallacious, because the Classical Antiquity vanished altogether in the collapse of the Roman Empire and our Western World began circa 1.000 A.D. One of the important tools to be reckoned with is analogies and it is used all the time to illustrate similarities in the rise and fall of earlier cultures and ours, which is to collapse after the exhaustion provoked by the money devotion present in our Western World. As it happened earlier in this final stage, some signs are important to be noticed, being the creation of so-called megopolis, or big cities, one of them, along with the surging of a quasi mythical personnage (Napoleon, Julius Cesar, Alexander, etc...) who was to be welcome by the peoples as a leader. Exactly here lies the intersection with the figures of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. It is up to the reader to judge by his own parameters if this interconnection is only ideal or was something transported into the real life of nazi German or Italian fascism. Without any exageration, I should say that this is the type of book that jump-starts you in many fields of knowledge and, specially of interest, is , in my opinion, the exgese the author does of the Theory of Mathemathics as a way of explaining the different Cultural environments of Ancient Greece, Egypt and Arabian regions. Despite this being an abridged version, I think that the present edition preserved in the best possible way the thinking and polemic points of view of the author. ... Read more | |
| 191. The Presence of the Past by Roy Rosenzweig, David Thelen | |
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It's as if those who bemoaned the mathematical illiteracy of the American public were suddenly challenged by a survey noting that virtually all Americans could read house numbers, tell the time, and make change while using a calculator. These hypothetical respondents would probably also criticize their teachers for burdening them with irrelevant information. Because the majority of the Americans surveyed for Presence of the Past have little sense of history outside their family or group, their knowledge of broader history is both sketchy and distorted. Rosenzweig and Thelen celebrate the fact that Americans put more trust in museums than in books for their knowledge of history, but such a faith only demonstrates naivete about museums. (In the wake of the Enola Gay fiasco at the Smithsonian and a subsequent symposium of articles in the Journal of American History, one JAH reader noted that the "true tragedy" was that "both sides believed that the people who saw the exhibit would be swayed, unquestioningly, by the 'facts' presented to them and that the visitors would not stop, even briefly, to think of possible biases in the exhibition itself, let alone about WWII-i.e. that they would think critically. Unfortunately, because of the state of education in this country, I agree with them.") Using such a low common denominator to define history also reveals that those with the most congruent view of the past are "evangelicals" (defined by Rosenzweig and Thelen as Mormons and Jehovah's Witnesses as well as Protestant fundamentalists and evangelicals). Thelen notes that the appeal of evangelical religion is so powerful "that it seems the most likely common ground on which some respondents from different cultures can recognize each other." "What," asks Rosenzweig, "does a largely secular group like historians have to say to them?" The authors' greatest fear is that the "privatized and parochial past" of their informants will not support history as "a vehicle for social justice" or inspire people "to work for social change in the present." Not to worry. Ignorance, parochialism, and naivete are a fertile soil for those who wish to use "history" as a tool to promote social and political agendas. "Black Athena" and its kin are only a recent example. Awareness of one's own past is helpful (we often call it maturity), and extending understanding of the past to the lives of one's relatives is even better. But without an appreciation of the broader past, democracy is in danger. Much of what passes for present truth is, in the words of C. S. Lewis, "merely temporary fashion. A man who has lived in many places is not likely to be deceived by the local errors of his native village: the scholar has lived in many times and is therefore in some degree immune from the great cataract of nonsense that pours from the press and the microphone of his own age."ÿ
Rosenzweig and Thelen found that many Americans regard the past as a well-spring for moral guidance and personal identity. In contrast to the professional historian, it is less the specific event (e.g. World War II) than the familial tie (e.g. grandpa going off to war) that determines relevance and interpretation for the layman. For many Americans history is alive and ever-present: through keepsakes, family lore, and observations. It is subject to an unending reinterpretation and definition, and, most importantly, it is what defines aspiration and identity. Rosenzweig and Thelen also found little to suggest homogeneity among Americans in historical interpretation. In areas such as ethnicity and religion the variance was profound. Their findings suggested that such identifications influence meaning and interpretation, and speak of divisions within American society. This was particularly true in comparisons between the reminisces of European Americans, African Americans, and Native Americans. In some areas of history (e.g. slavery and the westward movement), there appeared little ground for a broad and unifying consensus. Is there a paradigm that would unite scholar and layman? Rosenzweig and Thelen suggest it may exist in popular history, a form of historical presentation steeped in relevance to the individual. This 'democratization' of history would spring forth from a productive dialogue between the layman and the scholar. In the view of Rosenzweig and Thelen, the professional historian is wont to wallow in esoterica and narrow specialization. While impressive, such research does not engage the layman; instead, it perpetuates the popular perception of history as a dry compendium of dates and facts. Rather a productive dialogue could draw both layman and scholar in a common pursuit. Does this mean that history is alive and well in the United States? Unfortunately, the optimism effused from Rosenzweig and Thelen's study provides little room for comfort. Despite their stated intention to survey a cross section of Americans, the design of their survey provides evidence they fell short of this goal. Asian Ameicans were under-represented, as were people living in multi-ethnic neighborhoods. Also, socio-economic status did not receive the attention it merited; previous studies have found correlation between socio-economic status and knowledge in many fields, including history. Yet, Rosenzweig and Thelen have provided both scholars and laymen with food for thought as to what direction history should be taken.
The authors labeled the responders by race (Mexican-American, Native American, African American, and White). They ignore d Asian-Americans for the vague reason that there were not enough interviewers who could speak Mandarin and it was not cost-effective. They didn't mention other Asian groups or any attempts to interview them. This struck me as odd since the United States has the largest Korean population outside Korea, the largest Vietnamese population outside Vietnam, and a large number of Filipinos. One trip to California could have added a fine balance to their research. While the authors mention a responder's occupation and location, they don't consider location and net worth to be a factor in the conclusions. Most of their conclusions are broken down to how a particular ethic group responded rather than to location or income level of the respondent. Perhaps they believed that an African-American in California is no different than a Black in the South, or that a poor factory worker might have a different opinion of the past than a wealthy factory owner. They state that participation in historical activities is not for the most part tied to particular social groups or backgrounds Their findings would disturb most high school History teachers. They state that most respondents had little good to say about the actual classroom experience of studying history. Rosenzweig and Thelen conclude that while som e admitted that they admired History teachers who helped them to revisit and investigate the past for themselves, most related the word "history" to something dead and gone, irrelevant, beyond any use in the present. One overall conclusion that Rosenzweig and Thelen found was an: "overwhelming evidence that Americans participate regularly in a wide range of past-related activities (page 9). The authors debate that an activity such as going to a museum, or looking at photos could be considered an involvement in preserving or presenting the past. For proof, the authors present very clear graphs show n the percentages of how many people looked at photographs, how many wrote in a journal, or participated in a "history-related" club. The respondents felt most strongly connected to the past when they either met with family members or did something "historical" like visiting a museum with family members. The authors repeatedly maintain that people have a deep appreciation of history if it involves them personally or their family personally. For example, one respondent enjoyed visiting Civil War sites, not because he was just interested in this time period but he had a past relative who fought in the War. Overall, if an event didn't involve one's past relatives, the responder wasn't interested. This presents a challenge for teachers of ancien t Greek history, for how many people can find a family connection to historical events so long ago. The authors fail to address this problem. None of the respondents mentioned an interest in history before the time of Christ. Do we ignore the ideas of Plato because students won't find a family connection? In several pages, the authors repeat themselves over and over how respon dents dreaded studying the past. History was boring. The authors argue that History teacher overall are the enigma. Teachers view the past as something to be memorized. Students desire to know their own personal background. The authors state that people can view the past as a "reservoir of experience they could use in their own lives." (Pg. 38). Students want to trace how they became the kind of person they came to be. Thus, while teachers lecture on European migration, their audience would much rather be learning about their family's migration or how their family was able to survive in the New World. As a whole, the authors found that responders wanted to make a difference in the world and that studying the past was a means to that end. They wanted to see how past figures responded to crisis situations to be able themselves to have a better response to modern situations. The authors fail to give concrete examples of how a teacher could meet this particular interest of students. Th e authors state:' responders admired teachers who helped them to revisit and investigate the past for themselves." An example was how one teacher took her students on frequent field trips to Civil War sites. But what about teachers in Oregon? Again, the authors fail to give some helpful teaching tips that an y teacher could use. Responders gave horror stories of teachers who "taught out of the book" (pg. 112). Yet the authors failed to mention the state exams tha t many high school seniors have to pass, or even the Advanced Placement exams. The authors conclude that many Black Americans are not interested in the Kennedy assassination (graph page 150.) But these students will probably be asked about this event on an exam. The trend now is for more exams to assess students. Teachers are pressured to have students perform well. Good bye fiel d trips. Hello rote memorization of facts. Rosenzweig's solution is to increase oral history and biography (page 185). Thelen's solution is to present students with artifacts, pictures, etc. ^Eintroducing them to a variety of perspectives on moral issues, etc. Both are fantastic ways to liven up the History classroom. But the government and school boards cry "assessment". Neither of these solutions will prepare students for the formal assessment tools which teachers are forced to use. ... Read more | |
| 192. Chambers Dictionary of World History | |
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| 193. Sublime Historical Experience (Cultural Memory in the Present) by Frank Ankersmit | |
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| 194. Telling the Truth About History by Joyce Appleby, Lynn Hunt, Margaret Jacob | |
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our price: $11.53 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0393312860 Catlog: Book (1995-04-01) Publisher: W. W. Norton & Company Sales Rank: 34938 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (9)
The emphasis on the significance of the printing press and the loss of clerical authority over publication was well stated. Left unexamined was the importance of the rise of the merchant middle class in Southern Europe, which is surprising considering the social history described later in the text. The Civil War's nationalizing effect and the lack of Black America's inclusion in the traditional American narrative are well founded, but leaves the subject's treatment woefully incomplete. The authors would have been able to draw a more accurate picture of rising American nationalism by including the War of 1812 in their analysis for example. And the nation's history of immigration and resulting discrimination, which includes Asians and Latin Americans as well as Europeans and Africans, is far more complex than presented. In short, the opportunity to use the immigrant experience as historical evidence for the authors' views was under utilized. The passing reference to Native American experiences underscored the authors' main point, but is not drawn out. And for American historians promoting a more gendered approach to history to leave out the suffrage movement was shocking to this reader.
Appleby and cohorts rant back and forth about the Englightenment and the age of old, the eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, but never quite come to a consensus of history as a whole. The chapter entitled "Competing Histories of America" merely appeared to be a snore that name dropped and did not represent an objective and revealing analysis as it appeared it should have. The section, "The Implication of Social History for Multiculturalism" should have presented what the title stated, however, it did not. It had been quite disappointing reading this. Not one mention of Native Americans, Asian Americans, oh one name drop of W.E.B. Dubois in reference to African Americans. Overall analysis, this has been an assessment towards intellectual history. This book should not be taught in a history and theory class, but rather be provided for those who seek an optional supplementary reading list that the professor assigns. Tbis book has too much bias that leans toward the left. Possibly, the authors had a little free time on their hands and they decided to collaborate for the fun of it. Postmodernism appears to be a complex topic that even these three scholars had not been able to explain in laymen terms. Otherwise, TELLING THE TRUTH ABOUT HISTORY does not cut it as a title. I'm so glad that history is alive and well even if one does not read this book. If one wants a good conversation and debate about history, these three scholars' perspective would lend much to the discussion. It would probably raise much opinions on the subject of history, and its place in society no matter what place in the world you live and learn.
Driving forces that made America and the West what it became are surveyed - forces including the birth of reason, influence of science and our Western notion of progress. Focused on their topic, our authors properly consider what matters most to America and the West, excluding a vast array of other cultures because those cultures (Mayan, Hutu, Chilean, Eskimo - a virtually endless list) have little or absolutely nothing to do with Western development. Thus we are saved from useless inclusion of irrelevance. Nor do they waste trees on a cacophony of "voices" with something opposing to say about the facts of history as though their intent is to produce committee minutes. Noted, repeatedly, are oversights and outright suppression of females as bared from the men's club, but it is treated as a fact of history, not a call to arms. Results of these forces included exaltation of history and "heroic science" as a means of positive reference for America (and Europe) that has since been attacked by factions wishing in part to make history's picture larger while reinventing history in ways that deny credit for anyone but their own group. It requires imagination, but the authors clarify how successful Postmodernist relatives have been in advancing the most ridiculous ideas, and, as noted, would not be given a second thought were they not becoming so dominant at our universities. Ideas such as; We invent theories in science, we do not discover them; What was not said or not written is more important than what was - as everyone in every period is said to have been political and fully so with no regard for truth. Thus whatever point was made was in fact a diversion hiding what they "really" meant. This brings to bear creative talents of our finest historians and "text interpreters" as they expend lifetimes inventing, out of thin air, what the truth "really" was. A boundless exercise as what was not spoken or written remains infinite, while what was is limited. And such conclusions from those who paradoxically preach "the truth is, there is no truth, and that's the truth". Thankfully the authors state the obvious. "Relativism, a modern corollary of skepticism" not only reasonably questions but is now used to promote doubt in knowledge of any kind, while to the contrary our authors argue "truths about the past are possible, even if they are not absolute". For those who claim we can know nothing, and that even our theories of nature are pure, politicized imagination, we are reminded that artifacts exist - remains of civilizations, buildings, monuments, graveyards on battlegrounds, movements resulting from written words and speeches. As for inventing scientific theories as simply another false Western bias, one may wonder how all those atoms and galaxies know our political views well enough to behave precisely as predicted by theory. The authors commit the error of confusing science with scientists - science being an ideal, while scientists remain human - and they wrongly promote a reference which claims the defense industry as dominated by scientists when it is rather dominated by engineers. This offering to reinforce a notion that science is political. (Indeed, scientists may be.) With an open mindedness bordering on mere "inclusivity" Postmodernists are given limited credit, stating they "deserve" to be heard on some matters - which left me wondering why serious historians would squander time on sophomoric reflections of declining education and trite exercises in sensitivity toward the absurd. We might consider the notion of a moon made of green cheese still holds promise if a certain vast system of conditions concerning our measurements and conceptions exist - say that we are in fact being manipulated by aliens. But any advancement in our understanding of the human condition is bound to be wasted. As a German engineer once said, "I have no time to waste on probable failures." So why waste it? An assumption is made from the outset - common to anyone's era, which is not challenged - that the past was incorrect in their perspective. Perhaps we are wrong in refuting their positivism. Instead we assume without question the heroic models were flawed. Despite what we consider the past's delusions and narrow mindedness, we are never offered an option that their perspective, though incomplete, was superior to our own in which winners at the auction are those with the most terrible things to say about who we are. Perhaps the authors saw this as too "inclusive" and a probable failure.
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| 195. An Ungodly War: The Sack of Constantinople & the Fourth Crusade by W. B. Bartlett | |
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(price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0750923784 Catlog: Book (2001-01-01) Publisher: Sutton Publishing Sales Rank: 874909 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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| 196. Historical Ontology by Ian Hacking | |
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our price: $17.95 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0674016076 Catlog: Book (2004-09-15) Publisher: Harvard University Press Sales Rank: 153333 US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description With the unusual clarity, distinctive and engaging style, and penetrating insight that have drawn such a wide range of readers to his work, Ian Hacking here offers his reflections on the philosophical uses of history. The focus of this volume, which collects both recent and now-classic essays, is the historical emergence of concepts and objects, through new uses of words and sentences in specific settings, and new patterns or styles of reasoning within those sentences. In its lucid and thoroughgoing look at the historical dimension of concepts, the book is at once a systematic formulation of Hacking�s approach and its relation to other types of intellectual history, and a valuable contribution to philosophical understanding. Hacking opens the volume with an extended meditation on the philosophical significance of history. The importance of Michel Foucault--for the development of this theme, and for Hacking�s own work in intellectual history--emerges in the following chapters, which place Hacking's classic essays on Foucault within the wider context of general reflections on historical methodology. Against this background, Hacking then develops ideas about how language, styles of reasoning, and "psychological" phenomena figure in the articulation of concepts--and in the very prospect of doing philosophy as historical ontology. | |
| 197. The Fourth Great Awakening and the Future of Egalitarianism by Robert William Fogel | |
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our price: $12.92 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0226256634 Catlog: Book (2002-08-01) Publisher: University of Chicago Press Sales Rank: 203097 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description
Reviews (9)
(1) Robert Fogel writes on page 180 - '....the reform agenda spelled out by the religious Right......more fully addresses the new issues of egalitarianism than does the Agenda of the Third Great Awakening.' (The T.G.A. being the widespread reforms in America beginning at the end of the nineteenth century which led to the rise of the welfare state and policies to promote diversity.) Imagine what Mr. Fogel means by the word 'egalitarianism.' (2) Mr. Fogel writes on page 177 - 'The new equity issues in the United States do not arise from the shocks of rapid urbanization, the destruction of small businesses by competition from industrial giants, the massive destitution created by the prolonged unemployment of up to one-quarter of prime-aged workers, the disappearance of the frontier as a safety valve for urban unemployment and poverty, or the undernutrition and premature death of the great majority of urban workers and their family members. Quite the contrary, the new issues are to a large extent the product of the solutions to these problems achieved by a combination of economic growth and the success of the reforms advocated by the Social Gospelers, their allies, and their successors.' Imagine what he means by the word 'solutions.' (3) Mr. Fogel writes on page 10 - 'Technological advances in distilling reduced the costs of spirits and made it possible for the urban poor to afford immoderate amounts of alcohol. Reductions in the cost of ocean transportation brought huge waves of immigrants into American labor markets, lowering wages and promoting urban unemployment.' Consider the perspective of a 'historian' who acknowledges the massive destitution of last century's immigrant workers and their families in America, but who finds remarkable causally their alcohol consumption and the cheap ocean transportation rates they paid to get here. Consider, that is, whether Mr. Fogel even approaches the status of a historian in writing this book or is simply another social scientist concerned with making astonishingly shallow but verifiable factual observations.
In this book he asks readers to conjoin political and religious movements with deeper longings for satisfaction from living. Thanks to Richard Easterlin we know that money does not buy happiness. Fogel explores what long-term tendencies in the American past sought to look beyond Benthamite utility for larger meanings. His search will not always be satifying to all readers, particularly those expecting to find a Marxian dialectic at the root of positive change. In reading the book, non-specialists get a special treat: a non-technical survey of factors that brought on the unprecedented improvements in levels of living in North Atlantic countries over the past two hundred years.
I believe the above reviews from the Wall Street Journal and Mr. Morris do a sufficient job. I am here to recommend it to you. John B. Carpenter jamits@juno.com ... Read more | |
| 198. A Collector's Guide to the '03 Springfield by Bruce Canfield | |
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our price: $22.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 091721840X Catlog: Book (1989-06-01) Publisher: Andrew Mowbray Pub Sales Rank: 40757 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Book Description Reviews (2)
Canfield takes you step-by-step through the evolution of the Model 1903, with good close-up photographs showing design changes alongside of earlier or later models for comparison purposes. There's a lot of great history in this book as well, with many excellent photographs of the 1903 in action, from World War One to the Korean War. Canfield includes a wonderful story about the demise of the early "rod bayonet" after President Theodore Roosevelt demonstrated its ineffectiveness by snapping it in two with one blow from his Krag rifle bayonet. This is a great book for the entry-level collector, for the war history buff, or even someone who wants to find out more about that "old Springfield rifle" that was inherited from Father or Grandfather. ... Read more | |
| 199. Sister Revolutions : French Lightning, American Light by Susan Dunn | |
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our price: $12.24 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0571199895 Catlog: Book (2000-09-04) Publisher: Faber & Faber Sales Rank: 364692 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
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Reviews (7)
The short answer is that the French committed the classical blunder of "people's movements" : stirring unbridled emotion in with the idea that the people reign supreme, this is the people's government, so question it and you're against the people.....now prepare to have your height reduced by a foot or so. As an example, the Declaration of the Rights of Man states such laughably contradictory statements of "rights" that it's hard to imagine anyone ever thought it could work in the first place: from Article 4 "Liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else;" I guess it would be insulting you to draw the line from freedom to tyranny when you're using statements that fatuous as your guiding light. It's kind of like describing your political ideology as "being for good things and against bad things". That's a bit open-ended, don't you think? History shows hoards of people running like lemmings into the arms of movements that do this again and again at the urging of intellectuals who, in the attempt to reconcile theory with practical solutions, fail miserably and leave an atrocious body-count in their wake. By now, you'd think this dismal little scenario, playing itself like an endless loop of a bad horror film, would recede into history but that just doesn't seem to be the case. After being beaten down by some megalomaniacal ruler, the "people" tend to make the classical over-step of tearing everything to ground level in an effort to scrub themselves clean of the past. What's usually left is a barren wasteland that's as bad or worse than the original offense. To put it very briefly, the American Revolution differed in that it didn't discard every last remnant of Britain, keeping the best while discarding the worst. This is an excellent effort, although I think it steps beyond its limits in the final chapters as the author understandably attempts to integrate the lessons from both revolutions to the present. This seems to brief to be of much value and probably should have been the subject of another book.
One detractor is Dunn's oversimplification in her critical look at everything involving the French Revolution and high praise for all things American Revolution. She follows this code, almost without exception. A more objective analysis would have been more meaningful and valid. The strength of the book is Dunn's revelation of the power of ideas. She makes it inducingly clear that the historically decisive actions of the world were driven by the power of ideas. Perhaps the most compelling chapters come at the end, as Dunn stretches intellectually by portraying the two revolutions as models and exploring the effect they have had on subsequent revolutions around the globe. The biggest surprise is that after Dunn praises the American model, she concludes by finding America's current system of government inefficient and suggests that the British Parliamentary model is the best fitting for modern day democracies. How we come full circle. Good book for those interested in the thought process behind the American and French revolution, but not so much for a historical breakdown of the two. Through exploring the power of ideas, Dunn comes up with some powerful ideas of her own.
I would strongly recommend this book to any reader with an interest in history. Well written and well researched, the author ends the book with two chapters about the revolutions in Russia and Vietnam and how these revolutions borrowed ideas from the French and American revolutions.
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| 200. War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941-1945: Occupation and Collaboration by Jozo Tomasevich | |
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our price: $75.00 (price subject to change: see help) Asin: 0804736154 Catlog: Book (2001-11-01) Publisher: Stanford University Press Sales Rank: 945810 Average Customer Review: US | Canada | United Kingdom | Germany | France | Japan |
Reviews (1)
What makes the book not only useful but remarkable is the author's story of how he conducted his research, interviewing contentious sources and wading through the conflicting evidence on controversial topics such as the numbers of people murdered by the several parties to the conflict (Nazis, Italian Fascists, Ustase, Chetniks, Partisans). His analysis is masterful and sensible. My only complaint is the book's high price. I can only hope that there will be a paperback edition, as this work is too significant to go out of print. ... Read more | |
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