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| 21. Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule by Ann Laura Stoler | |
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| 22. Language, Culture, and Communication: The Meaning of Messages (4th Edition) by Nancy Bonvillain | |
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| 23. Ritual and Religion in the Making of Humanity (Cambridge Studies in Social and Cultural Anthropology) by Roy A. Rappaport | |
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Book Description Reviews (4)
It is difficult to read, but its subject is difficult. I just wish he were still here so I could say to him "What in the world are you trying to say here. You have no verbs in this paragraph!"
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| 24. Laughter Out of Place: Race, Class, Violence, and Sexuality in a Rio Shantytown (Public Anthropology, 9) by Donna M. Goldstein | |
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Book Description Reviews (4)
Looking at the book's format in an overall construction, I thought she made an interesting and deliberate choice in segmenting the book around particular phenomena of favela culture. The overarching concept - of laughter in the favelas that seemed to be out of place - ran through the book, but other subjects like the aesthetics of domination, black cinderelllas, short-term childhoods, gangs and violence, and the carnivalization of desire focused the book into themes particularized to the society of the favela. The choice of these themes and I can guess were synthesized from coded observations. The phenomena addressed were concrete and drew Donna's discursive writing style along into interesting, relevant, and "involving" territory. She used theory to bolster her arguments, but didn't saddle the story with overwhelming treatises. The choice of ethnographic writing - employing themes - makes me curious though. Does the use of themes artificially differentiate the life in the favela from our own, or other social conditions where poverty subjugates its population? Are we getting a picture of what life is like there, or rather of what particularizes life in the favela from our existences? Admittedly though the book is seductive in drawing the reader into the discussion. And issues touched upon in the book can be applied to many other geographies. Donna does not try to ingratiate herself in pure relativism, as she says, she is often shocked by the ironic attitudes of the people who seem to accept their fate much more humorously than Donna imagined prior to her experience in Felicidade. She takes issue with some theortists, including Foucault, presenting and then unraveling their theoretical positioning. She also disparages the study of elites, or "cosmopolitan intellectuals, or transnational social movements" as a form of "ethnographic refusal," and a condition "that would fail to provide density to our representations, sanitize politics," or produce "thin version of culture with a set of dissolving actors" (43). Donna does not hold back. In her review of Donna Goldstein's book, Nancy Shepar-Hughes mentions that Golstein's book will not come without controversy because it may be painted in a "culture-of-poverty" conceptual framework. But I don't see that happening in this case because Goldstein concentrates on the conditions of life and the subsequent actions of people mired in a difficult situation and in the fragile structure of the favela. Donna is also quick to point out that she herself does not understand - at all times - the social structures in place. For example, out of generosity Donna sets aside some money for Soneca to attend a computer institute. The idea does not succeed and Gloria, the main informant of the book, is annoyed by the waste of valuable resources. Donna also employs modern electronic resources to make her point, and bring the reader directly into current attitudes and stereotyping concerning "Brazilian Mulatas." She enters a search engine with those exact two words and finds dozens of porn sites exemplifying popular viewpoints related to sexuality in Brazil. She points out many of the inconsistentsies and ironic attitudes present in the favelas regarding sexuality and race. Gloria, for instance, views the white coroa taking on a dark skinned lover as evidence for a "reluctance of Afro-Brazilian women to interpret certain kinds of interactions as racist" (124). While all of the discussion in Laughter Out of Place is interesting, for me the discussions on violence and gangs are/were most relevant in a changing second and third world. One can imagine the "trajectory into criminality by young men as a form of local knowledge (and as a vehicle for advancement)..." (203). Indeed, after the descriptions given of the lifestyle, poverty, abuse, and of course humor that saturate the favela, one can clearly see the seductive link of falling into gang violence and criminality. Donna also clearly demonstrates the functionality of bandit existence, quoting and borrowing from Hobsbawm the reasoning behind the formation of "primitive rebels:" "Social banditry becomes a form of self-help in the context of economic crises and social tension" (209). In Donna's short but cogent conclusion she does not try to offer monumental solutions to the problems she sees, but nevertheless her astute observations and solutions provided are idealistic and perhaps unrealistic. She points to endemic problems in the favela such as the "differential application of the rule of law," and the need to "reform policing forces" bringing an end to corruption and abuse" (273). She points out that in order for drug traffickers and gangs to be removed from the favela, "'good faith' social services need to be put in place to treat the everyday private injustices that are currently being handled by such organizations" (274). Like so many impoverished societies, an infrastructure or support girdle of municipal services needs to be put in place (or reformed) to aid all segments of the society of Rio. This remains a common need for societies battling poverty. Great ethnography and seductive reading examining a micro-world of global inequality. Carlos Torres, Ph.D. student
I believe that "Laughter Out of Place" successfully interweaves both theory and ethnographic data in what is a cohesive and coherent final product. In reference to theory, Goldstein's explicit theoretical discussions are not only interesting, but also helpful in trying to wrap your brain around such difficult subjects as rape, police violence, and extreme poverty. For example, she utilizes theories of political economy, cultural capital, and Freyre's "myth of racial democracy" to better understand-and best convey-the complexity of the situations she witnessed in the early 1990s. Additionally, the ethnographic content is well proportioned to the amount of theoretical material included in the book. At times, the 'thickness' of the ethnographic material is overwhelming, but this is necessary when writing of extremely depressing scenarios like those so prevalent in the culture of Rio's favelas. One of the most endearing and unique aspects of "Laughter Out of Place" is at the heart of the ethnography: the examination of how a particular cultural group comes to use a specific coping mechanism ('black humor') to confront their lived realities and hardships. Goldstein skillfully shows that this adaptation is undoubtedly culturally constructed and culturally specific to life in Rio's favelas, particularly Felicidade Eterna. For as Nancy Scheper-Hughes and Philippe Bourgois suggest in the Forward, Goldstein clearly reveals "the layers of bravado, anger, defiance, and deep sadness that are built into each complex joke." Lastly, I should mention that I reflected on my own coping mechanisms while contemplating Goldstein's detailed discussion of laughter 'out of place.' As a result, I ask myself: How do I deal with pain, stress, and death in my own life? How do we in our own subcultures choose to cope collectively with our own economic, social, and political situations? The very fact that I reflect in such a personal-as well as anthropological-way makes me appreciate "Laughter Out of Place" that much more.
As a student of anthropology, this book changed my perspective regarding my area of study. After reading many of the required ethnographies and anthropological works for my major, Laughter out of Place was like a breath of fresh air. Goldstein's style is truly beautiful and poignant. Her storytelling style and descriptions of poverty, racism, rape, and violence cut to the core. Furthermore, the explanations of various cultural and social theories are not dry-- they flow with the rest of the book (thus making it accessible to those who are not students of anthropology). Goldstein also does a fine job of demonstrating to the reader that although her book reflects upon her experiences in Brazil, it also stands as a symbol for any people in any country who suffer from having been "colonized". I highly recommend this book to anyone. However, I would especially emphasize its importance for students of anthropology. This is definitely the book that will remind you of why we study anthropology: to come to an understanding of other cultures and why injustices exist in this world.
From my own experience of living and working in a Brazilian shantytown, I can with say confidence that Laughter out of Place is an authentic and well-researched exploration of shantytown survival tactics in Brazil. For any person interested in learning about the Brazil that lies outside of Carnival and beautiful beaches, this book is your transport. Annie Eastman | |
| 25. Encountering Development by Arturo Escobar | |
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Book Description Escobar emphasizes the role of economists in development discourse--his case study of Colombia demonstrates that the economization of food resulted in ambitious plans, and more hunger. To depict the production of knowledge and power in other development fields, the author shows how peasants, women, and nature became objects of knowledge and targets of power under the "gaze of experts." Reviews (2)
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| 26. Annual Editions: Anthropology 04/05 (Annual Editions) by ElvioAngeloni | |
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| 27. Strangers to These Shores with Research Navigator, Seventh Edition by Vincent N. Parrillo | |
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| 28. AIDS in the Twenty-First Century : Disease and Globalization by Tony Barnett, Alan Whiteside | |
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WHile well documented, it is readable. The next college level course I teach on contemporary issues will surely include this as required reading. My students will thank me for it.
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| 29. Religion Explained: The Evolutionary Origins of Religious Thought by Pascal Boyer | |
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Boyer's book is one of the best examples of making good use of evolutionary thinking from the young science of evolutionary psychology and the proto-science of memetics to bring new insights to anthropological data. His concepts become not just a way of explaining away "weird beliefs" but explanations for broad patterns in human belief in general. Boyer applies a coherent evolutionary epistemology to human belief and especially to the concepts and practices we consider religion. The result is fascinating speculation with a new perspective and a good foundation. Since this is the kind of book that tries to explain why we believe what we believe, people starting with a different set of metaphysical assumptions will find it difficult to appreciate. Just as skeptics are fun to read until they attack our own beliefs, people of one religion will probably find Boyer's explanations fit well to other religions, but not their own. Such is life I suppose. To what extent can the same kind of explanations apply to scientific theories? Boyer addresses this by emphasizing that scientific ideas are very counter-intuitive and result from a lot of hard work to formulate and communicate them in specific ways, making them distinguishable from other kinds of concepts that arise more naturally. Boyer argues that the domain we think of as religion is largely artifical. He believes that the experience of the numinous or special contact of certain individuals with supernatural agents cannot explain the widespread transmission of "religion" in culture. However, neither is the transmission of culture or the appearance of beliefs in different cultures arbitrary. Some concepts are passed on or reappear and others don't, and certain patterns emerge in every culture. The concepts that take on special importance to human life, as diverse as they seem, actually share certain qualities in all cultures. Looking carefully at the cognitive processes that produce concepts and make them likely to be remembered and passed on, religious ideas and practices, Boyer insists, must be a result of the same cognitive processes that are used in other contexts, rather than special ones for perceiving supernatural agents in a transcendental domain. There is an important nuance here. Some authors have argued from an evolutionary perspective that we have concepts for supernatural agents and perform behaviors relevant to those agents because of adaptive pressures specifically to perceive and act on "religious" forces of some sort. For example, Boyer says that we believe in spirits because they activate our inference systems for human agency and social exchange, and then are remembered and passed on because they make personally compelling explanations for what we observe. We tend pick up the particular concepts from our parents and local culture which fit our general explanatory needs. But what makes some concepts spread so much better than others? That's the question that meme theorists try to address, and one of Boyer's clever ideas is tying it back to evolutionary psychology. Boyer's idea tying this all together is "aggregate relevance," which says that concepts which activate more of our shared universal biological inference systems and activate more of our emotional response patterns will have a bias in being remembered and passed on, and will also be more likely to be Some interesting points: (1) Boyer makes use of recent concepts from cognitive linguistics, such as the work of George Lakoff, to show how we categorize things in ways shaped by evolution. (2) People have intuitions in certain general domains not primarily because they generalize from experience because of psychological adaptations (and therefore internal templates) for categorizing different things and drawing inferences from them. The templates produce intuitions about things. Violations of our templates are remembered better. (3) The inferences we can draw about intentional agents are particularly rich, and apply to a wide variety of situations important to our daily life, so it is very natural for concepts about supernatural agents to fill our need to explain daily events, thoughts, and feelings, and especially misfortune. (4) When we combine our moral intuitions with our rich inferences about agents allows agent to be thought of as *relevant* to morality, even though we don't seem to actually need the concept of a supernatural agent or exemplar to think and act morally. (5) The relationship between coalition building, forming dominance hierarchies, and categorizing people is discussed. Inferences that we normally apply to species (such as essential hereditary qualities) are sometimes applied to groups of human beings instead, especially using easy-to-detect and hard-to-fake signs. (6) Boyer sees fundamentalism as a result of our coalitional instincts, a reaction to defection from a coalition, and to the secular message that defection from the constraints of cultural rules can be accomplished at low cost. (7) Boyer sees ritual as a way of exhibiting and testing social cooperation while providing a salient explanation for changes we observe in our own behavior. (8) Boyer distinguishes the doctrinal version of concepts produced by guilds of literate specialists from the personal or local versions of the same concepts used by people everyday in their thinking.
Using Evolutionary Psychology as a foundation, Boyer describes how specific brain structures evolved to perform specific inferences related to basic survival (especially relevant are predatory and contagion inference) and the numerous inter-related systems used for conspecific interaction and cooperation. [It is especially important to understand that most inferences operate apart from conscious perception.] After comprehensive discussion of the multitudinous, interactive inference systems, Boyer describes how they collectively work to form religion. He explains that most varieties religious concepts (gods, spirits and other supernatural agents and their abilities; morality; death issues, etc.) and public behavior (rituals and prayer, religious-associated violence) can be explained in terms of these inference systems. While he presents an effective argument for most aspects of religion, Boyer admits that a convincing scientific explanation for some forms of ritualistic behavior is elusive. He offers detailed speculation regarding the etiology of rituals, but admits the research at this time is inconclusive and mostly speculative. He compares rituals to similar non-religious activity, such as the compulsions associated with Obsessive-Compulsive Disorder, but this is only a plausible partial explanation because religious rituals exhibit distinct differences. OCD compulsions are undesired and cause psychological distress in the participant, while participation in rituals is usually voluntary and isn't inherently distressing to the participants (though sometimes it can be). Also, rituals normally occur in a culturally-related social context while compulsions are a repetitive form of individual behavior. The only element of Religion Explained that was a little disappointing to me was the cursory discussion of secularism. Boyer explains that religion (in one form or another) is conducive to normal human brain functions. This of course evokes discussion of why some people are completely irreligious. Boyer only touches on this issue briefly and in a manner which seems a little obtuse to me (he states the issue isn't completely explanable in the context of his argument). Religion Explained is a fascinating scientific treatise on a unique and undeniably significant form of human behavior. This is a fairly complex work (a behavioral science background is certainly helpful), but only to the extent necessary to form a coherent, comprehensive argument. Boyer has shown undeniably that the etiology of religion is far more multi-faceted than most people infer (both scientists and non-scientists). While his argument will certainly be refined as the various conceptual elements evolve and more research emerges, this new, scientifically vital approach ro religion will likely prove to be a monumental achievement.
In its essence, this book gleans insights from cognitive and social psychology (via the field of evolutionary psychology) to explain why the brain latches onto religious concepts with such zeal. I found one of the more insightful points near the end of the book; there the author indicates that religion is less a 'thing' than a complex of inferences, representations, and biases. This rings true to me. Whatever discipline you study, it is natural to reify that field into a standard set of ideas and explanations. In fact, though, we must be careful to appreciate all these ideas as so much structural framework that may or may not do a good job of representing a more complex reality. In the end, no academic discipline should be monolithic in its approach. It is always exciting to have a new field or novel set of empirical techniques seed a barren old field, for fresh ideas are bound to sprout. It seems that the emerging science of evolutionary psychology, though it faces many challenges of its own, may lead us to better understand why people the world over cling to counterintuitive (or as the author coins, counterontological) ideas about reality. This book may or may not convince you of its thesis but it will certainly cause you to revisit your old ideas with a new perspective.
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| 30. Cultural Anthropology : An Applied Perspective (with CD-ROM and InfoTrac) by Gary Ferraro | |
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| 31. Cultural Conversations : The Presence of the Past by Regina Hansen, Stephen Dilks, Matthew Parfitt | |
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| 32. Laboratory Life by Bruno Latour, Steve Woolgar | |
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It takes a while for Latour to get going as he is quite verbose in the early section, where he discusses his "anthropological" approach to science studies. However, after that, he makes a couple of points that as far as I know, he was the first philosopher of science to make. First, Latour demonstrates the intimate relationship between the publication of scientific papers, scientific prestige, laboratory finances and actual experiments. He makes the seemingly obvious, though not so when the book came out, that the possibility of experiments in a lab requires the influx of an amazing out of money. The acquisition of this research money takes up a large proportion of the time of the head honcho scientist in a laboratory . Second, Latour shows that entities in science are always defined by a network of properties that are experimentally determined. Scientific entities are hardly ever seen as objects with a few simple analytical properties. In fact, the more properties the better. And it doesn't matter if the mesh of properties is convoluted and seemingly contradictory. For each property concerned, there must be a vast array of material techniques to measure, control and manipulate that property. A new entity in science is accepted as real only when there are enough inter-locking properties to guarantee its existence. No method, by itself, is ever convincing. Latour points out that once an object is deemed to be real, scientists often invert the logic and argue that the reason why the combined set of experiments worked in the first place was that the object was in fact real. Whether this inversion of logic stands up to philosophical scrutiny - I do not know - but I have seen many practising scientists make this jump in logic. I've even used it myself. It is here that the "realist" and "anti-realist" debate rages. However, I think Latour reports it just as he sees it. Third, Latour carries out an analysis of scientific texts, which I have yet to see anywhere else. Scientific statments take on 5 modalities - from speculative hypothesis to proven statements to unspoken assumption. Latour gives a account of how the modalities of each statement are modified by how every other scientist in the field cites the statement in future scientific papers. They can ignore it, attack it as a useless hypothesis, bolster it by citing it as a supporting statement, adulate it by assuming that is a proven statement, and finally they just assume it's true. This scrutiny occurs continuously both inside the lab and in conferences. However, the difference between this process in the sciences as opposed to the humanities, is that these statements are often associated with machines that act in the material world. Proving a statement means that a material effect is generated. Using this method, Latour can analyse the fortunes of the scientists in a lab. And analysing the citations of scientific papers results in a reasonably good definition of scientific credibility. As a grad student in a biophysics lab, I've seen this happen - albeit on an intuitive level. Although Latour has since gone onto to more and more abstract studies, the beauty of Laboratory Life is that it is firmly grounded in the actual practises of an existing laboratory, the Guillemen Lab at the Salks Institute.
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| 33. High Points In Anthropology by PaulBohannan, MarkGlazer | |
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If anyone is looking to build a library of good scholarly works, this is a great foundation in that it offers many view points that have helped shape modern schoold of thought in many fields.
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| 34. The Book of the Shaman: Walk the Ancient Path of the Shaman and Find Inner Peace by Nicholas Wood | |
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Of the over 50 books I have reviewed, this is the best. "The Book of the Shaman" is well organized, colorful, inviting and does a terrific job at touching on the breadth of the shamanic experience. I hope you enjoy reading it as much as I have.
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| 35. A Land of Ghosts : The Braided Lives of People and the Forest in Far Western Amazonia by David G. Campbell | |
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| 36. Images of the Past by T. DouglasPrice, GaryFeinman | |
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| 37. Stuff: The Secret Lives of Everyday Things (New Report, No 4) by John C. Ryan, Alan Thein Durning | |
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However, the book fails in its use of statistics, failing to give the reader a real sense of the environmental impact of different goods. This books barrages us with facts and figures about the production of certain goods. However, most of these numbers are given with so little background that it is difficult to determine how consuming each product is. After reading this book, I don't know whether eating a hamburger or drinking coffee really is that bad for the environment, even if I do know all of the materials necessary and pollution emitted from the production of these products. If you'd like a more practical book that will help you be more responsible with respect to the environment, I recommend "The Consumer's Guide to Effective Environmental Choices". This book actually gives suggestions for the most important things to consider to live in a manner that will minimize damage to the environment. If you would just like to learn about the different "ingredients" required for certain products, however, this book is good enough.
After discussing every facet of the book, from guts and cover to printing, the only thing they were unable to determine was where half the cover's paper was produced. In all, this post-production analysis was stunning. The delicate web of causes and effects that entered into the books production should serve as a model to all those who would conceive the production of any product. Ideally, we should strive for this kind holistic understanding of production, consumption, and disposal before products every leave the design table. The actual content of the book is just as salient. What happens when millions of ordinary people like you and me go about our ordinary business, using lots of stuff? What ecological "wakes" do they leave behind, rippling outward across the world? This is the premise of the book, which is rather unassuming and commonsensical. The answers, however, are anything but mundane and commonsensical. The true stories of how things are made might leave you feeling overwhelmed or depressed. You might think twice about throwing that lump of sugar into your coffee -- and not only because it could add a few extra pounds and put you at greater risk of heart disease. You do so also in efforts to help restore the habitat of the Florida Everglades. Did the profound disconnect sink in yet? Not to worry, another 9 generic commodities with their own unique global "ripples" await you after picking up this book. They include you morning coffee, the newspaper, your T-shirts, shoes, that computer, the bike (and the car), those French fries, the hamburger that preceded them, and also the cola which will wash it all down. Although the imaginary North American whose daily consumptive routine this book tracks might not be you, do not then assume that these issues do not therefore concern you. The fact is, the consolidated effects of this consumption are harming much more than the Florida Everglades. They could potentially end all human reproduction. Perhaps you should read that last sentence again. We need to educate ourselves about this net ecological "wake" before the rooster tail of acid rain, rainforest destruction, ozone depletion, water depletion, air pollution, forest annihilation, energy exhaustion, pesticide inundation, sweatshop labor promotion, species extinction, waste production, monoculturalization, spiritual declination, heavy metal pollution creation, VOC smog accretion, and desertification leave us all wet and shivering in the cold. "Well, what am I supposed to do bury my car?" you wonder. The book also offers hope. Consumption, whether we like it or not, is in end inescapable. Thus by understanding our impacts, seeking alternative solutions, educating the friends and the general public, and at the same time altering some our most unhealthy consumer habits, we can help move things in the right direction. If you are looking for more in-depth suggestions along these lines, check out "The Better World Handbook" (2001). It is my personal eco-bible. You can also get further eco-tips from the Northwest Environmental Watch website. ~A Top 10 glObal Eye-Opener~
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| 38. Anthropology : The Human Challenge (with CD-ROM and InfoTrac) by William A. Haviland, Harald E. L. Prins, Dana Walrath, Bunny McBride | |
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